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Recognizing in advance the incompleteness of this draft, I think it works as an introduction to various reflections that address a basic question of feminism: what is the real difference between sexed bodies and socially constructed beings? Anyone who analyzes the link between body and politics finds that the feminist resurgence of the 1970s led to a very wide convergence of political, practical and theoretical concerns about it. Millions of women around the world took to the streets demanding to stop being defined by their bodies, while the feminist discourse, making an analogy with racism, named sexism the discrimination that derives from treating people differently depending on their sex. The use of the gender category was then generalized to refer to the symbolization that each culture elaborates on sexual difference, establishing norms and social expectations about the roles, behaviors and attributes of people according to their bodies. Culture is a result, but also a mediation. Human beings are confronted with a basic fact, which is identical in all societies: the physical difference between women and men, specifically that related to the genitals. Our conscience and our perception are conditioned, "filtered", by the culture we inhabit. Hence, the cultural representation of this biological fact is multiple, and has degrees of complexity related to the development of each society. For this reason, the cultural sphere, more than a territory, is a symbolic space defined by the imagination and determinant in the construction of the self-image of each person. The socialization and the individuation of the human being are the result of a unique process: that of its humanization, that is, of its progressive emergence of the biological order. The very root of culture is that part of the individual that is not determined by history and that consists of the initial and founding nucleus of the psychic apparatus: symbolic thought. The notion of symbolic function implies the organ, that is, the part of the brain that produces language and representations. Supposedly, the characteristic of human beings is speech, which implies a symbolizing function. Speech, language, is a fundamental means to structure ourselves psychically and culturally, to become subjects and social beings. There are multiple cultural representations of the universal biological constant of sexual difference. The representations are networks of images and notions that build our way of seeing, capturing and understanding the world. The main sources of our representations are three: cultural preconceptions, ideologies and personal experience. We are perceiving these representations from childhood through the language and materiality of culture. The one related to gender precedes information about sexual difference. The body is the first incontrovertible evidence of human difference. This biological fact, with all the libidinal load it entails, is the basic material of culture. To recognize the structures on which human beings construct culture, we must detect the cognitive foundations of their representations. From cognitive anthropology we know that our conscience is already inhabited by social discourse: we are born in a society that has a discourse on gender and that makes us occupy a certain place. In the way we think, in the construction of our own image, of our self-conception, we use elements and categories of our culture. According to Lévi-Strauss, the knowledge of the important sets of oppositions in a culture reveals the axes of thought and the limits of the thinkable in that culture. A basic binary opposition, that of a female man, generates a symbolization of all aspects of life. Gender is the set of ideas about the sexual difference that attributes "feminine" and "masculine" characteristics to each sex, to its activities and behaviors, and to the spheres of life. This cultural symbolization of anatomical difference takes shape in a set of practices, ideas, discourses and social representations that give attributions to the objective and subjective behavior of people according to their sex. Thus, through the process of gender formation, society manufactures the ideas of what men and women should be, what is "proper" for each sex. In each culture, the binary opposition man woman is key in the plot of the processes of signification. Sexual difference, recreated in the representational order, contributes ideologically to the essentialization of femininity and masculinity; it also produces effects in the imaginary of people. Understanding the cultural scheme of gender leads to unraveling the network of interrelations and social interactions of the current symbolic order. This is crucial, because social law reflects and incorporates the values ​​and ideas of the symbolic order of society, with all its contradictions and inconsistencies. Established as an objective set of references, gender concepts structure perception and the concrete and symbolic organization of all social life. Bourdieu insists on the effectiveness of legitimizing a relationship by inscribing it in the biological; In addition, what we consider biological is usually a social construction. These areas control five types of biological processes in a continuum, and not in a dichotomy of units, whose extremes are the masculine and the feminine. Therefore, to understand the biological reality of sexuality, it is necessary to introduce the notion of intersexes. Within the continuum we can find a surprising variety of combinatorial possibilities of characters, whose middle point is hermaphroditism. The intersexes are, precisely, those sets of physiological characteristics in which the feminine is combined with the masculine. This conception does not recognize the undifferentiated quality of the sexual libido, nor the universal persistence of homosexuality over time. With this social construction, the spectrum of human sexuality is discursively restricted, sending everything that is not linked to reproductive life to the edge of the "unnatural". The absence of a feminine or masculine essence leads us to reject the supposed "superiority" of one sex over another, and to question how far there is a "natural" form of human sexuality. Throughout this century, it has been accepted that sexuality is not "natural", but has been and is constructed. From Freud to Foucault, from poststructuralism to feminist theory, anti-essentialist arguments have been increasing. A new history of the body and sexuality has also been configured, which, in addition to incorporating cultural complexity, recognizes the subjective dimension, which has led to a greater awareness of the psychic fragility of human beings. That is why we can only understand sexual behaviors in a specific, cultural and historical context. Hence, more than a history of sexuality, there are local histories, with contextualized meanings. Psychoanalysis suggests that the psychic structuring of sexual identity is carried out by the oedipal vicissitudes of each subject, and that this process can derive as much towards heterosexuality as towards homosexuality. This structuring is the result of an unconscious process and does not necessarily imply pathology. The pathology appears when the homosexual psychic structure is lived as "abnormal" or when the homosexual desire is stigmatized, because it clashes with the norm established by the social law. There are people who, consistent with their psychic structure and with their unconscious, do not submit their desire to the heterosexual imperative of social law, and consider that what they are wrong is that normativity. Others, however, consider themselves "abnormal" and try to "heal" or establish heterosexual relationships in an attempt to conform to social law. Psychoanalytic reflection is leading, at least in certain circles, to a gradual acceptance of homosexuality as an equal option of psychically conditioned that heterosexuality. In other words, heterosexuality is also the result of a psychic process, that is, it is not "natural". The same process of psychic structuring is solved for one side or the other, without mediating the will of the subject. By becoming aware that their desire is oriented in a socially unacceptable direction, many people refuse to accept it openly. As the heterosexist culture stigmatizes homosexuality, it is not strange that many homosexual people hide their desire and bow to the imperative of social gender logic: heterosexuality. The culture represses and urges "global and excessive renunciations and repressions," says Laplantine. According to him, "each society pronounces a sentence with respect to certain types of behavior, forces them to lead an underground life or a clandestine existence. Entire sections of a culture are proscribed, excluded and repressed. " This is especially remarkable regarding sexuality. Georges Devereux points out that "it is a commonplace that Western civilization is so irrational to the sexual that it flatly refuses to discuss its irrationality and even punishes objectivity about it." It stigmatizes women who have an active and free sexual behavior, that is, similar to masculine; and it represses and discriminates against homosexual people who openly assume their desire. Both practices are colored by sexism and homophobia, which are the most negative and violent expression of the cultural scheme of gender. To refer exclusively to cultural factors, avoiding the role of desire and the unconscious in the formation of subjectivity, does not allow people to understand. The complexity and variety of the articulations between sexual difference and culture can not be explained only by gender; we must analyze issues related to subjectivity. The difficulty to understand the psychic field leads to think that what is at stake, primarily, is the social. This leads some feminist theorists to talk about a "multiple" subject, instead of the split subject of psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis shows how psychic structuring takes place outside the consciousness and the rationality of the subjects. The relevant role played by sexual difference in the symbolization of human beings has a certain underlying persistence: it deals with the source of our image of the world, as opposed to an other. To understand how sexual difference operates as a psychic structuring, we need to distinguish, as Parveen Adams posed, two fundamental questions: the concept of psychic reality and the nature of the relationship between the psychic and the social. Adams recalls that for Freud culture means that any set of social precepts requires primary repression, desire and unconscious. For Constance Penley psychoanalysis serves precisely to decipher the complex and intricate negotiation of the subject before cultural and psychic forces. She insists on the role played by the unconscious in the formation of sexual identity, and underlines the instability of such identity, imposed on a subject that is fundamentally bisexual. Psychoanalytic theory offers the most complex and detailed account, so far, of the constitution of subjectivity and sexuality, as well as the process by which the subject resists or submits to the imposition of culture. Human beings enter society under the sign of violence. We never recover from that aggression that is born and break away; it leaves an indelible wound, as Freud says, a narcissistic wound. Then, as we live, we suffer constant repression. Laplantine points out that human existence is only bearable through that "distorting screen" of reality that is culture. For him, culture is the set of "defense systems erected against the anguish and tension that inevitably arise in every society between the sexes, age groups and social classes." Laplantine explains how culture articulates the set of self-defense mechanisms against an original situation and recalls that Roheim previously stated: Civilization has its origin in late childhood, and its function is one of security. It constitutes a gigantic system of more or less happy attempts to protect humanity from the danger of the loss of the object - the formidable efforts made by a baby who is afraid of being left alone in the dark. To understand the existence of a universal psychic structure, which is irreducible to the set of cultural formations, we must remember the situation of great vulnerability and dependence of every human infant. The slowness of its motor development leads the creature to develop defense mechanisms, whose purpose is to contain the exceptional tensions derived from its morphological specificity. The psychic organization in formation is constituted through the unconscious mechanisms of projection, identification and repression. This situation of dependency and helplessness, combined with sexual drive, leads human beings to seek in sexuality the resolution of the desire for completeness and reunion. Laplantine speaks of the extent to which human beings "cling to each other, introjecting each other as substitutes for lost parental images, escotomising our anguish by sharing it collectively in a myth." It also points to a paradox: we become adults and we continue to desire the impossible; we do not accept "the brutal, unusual and insolent fact of the real". Then we "deliriously"; but also the culture raves with us: "it promises us the impossible: absolute happiness and total reconciliation". In the identity of the subject, subjectivity and culture are articulated: there they are present from the cultural habitus and stereotypes to the psychic wound of the symbolic castration, passing through the emotional conflicts of their personal history and the experiences related to their social location. But we must not believe that all these constitutive elements of identity operate in a similar way. Although the subject is in a constant process of construction, and the processes by which their identity is created vary, the sexual difference as a psychic structuring is of another order: it is founding. In the construction of identity, elements of the psychic sphere and the social sphere participate, which have a specific and different weight in that process. Human nature, like the nature of society, is "multidimensional, pluri-scalar and polyvalent" so it can not be covered from a single theoretical perspective. Not understanding the Freudian concept of psychic reality leads to the simplification of the problem of the relationship of the social with the psychic. If you avoid the concepts of desire and unconscious in relation to sexual difference, it is thought that what are at stake are primarily social factors and, therefore, that the conflict is resolved by establishing new rules of coexistence. To think that people are configured only by the cultural and the social is a reductionist vision, especially evident when talking about the identification processes that lead to the constitution of identity. This leads to consider social relations in a very simplistic and voluntarist way, as if the principle of equality were to modify the status of the psychic. Adams clarifies very well that we must not give up transforming the social, but that the possibility of influencing politically is reaffirmed when the difference between the psychic and the social is emphasized. Feminism has analyzed the way in which culture installs the logic of gender in our perception and awareness. For example, Manuel Delgado analyzes anticlericalism by shredding the elements of the masculine imaginary and relating them to symbolic representations. By relating the religious to the feminine, anticlericalism is shown as a process of masculinization against what is perceived as a matriarchal hegemony. Delgado's analysis states that anticlericalism is one of many symbolic forms that culture uses to institutionalize the difference between men and women and to stage their confrontations. If Delgado manages to go beyond the apparent, it is because he distinguishes between the order of the imaginary and that of the symbolic. The importance of analyzing the subjective sense inherent in human actions is evident. Although according to Saraceno there are only two areas where there is truly a different experience of women - that of sexuality and that of procreation - sexism operates in everyone. Nowadays it is suspect that the problems derived from the reproductive difference persist and become important at a time when the lives of women and men are equalizing in other areas: labor, political, cultural. Just when science and technology have had a spectacular development, inequality in relation to sexuality and reproduction is presented as irreducible. But, at least, there is a recognition of "the problem of women", and there is a certain awareness of sexism as something unfair. On the other hand, homophobia, or irrational rejection of homosexuality, is not lived as an injustice. Discrimination against homosexuals persists throughout significant differences in social relationships and even among politicians and advanced scientists -who would be careful to make racist or sexist allusions- it is common to hear homophobic comments. Since homosexuality is not integrated with a symbolic status similar to that of heterosexuality, it happens that the majority of homosexual people share the dominant view of them. This is what Bourdieu calls symbolic violence: the violence that is exerted on a social agent with its complicity or consent. The logic of the genre exerts symbolic violence against all homosexual persons by proposing heterosexist normativity as something "natural". Today, the challenge of equality focuses on recognizing and overcoming homophobia, a product of gender. In these two dimensions lies precisely the difficulty of achieving equality with the recognition of differences. The conflict lies in how the difference is thought. You can treat men and women, heterosexuals and homosexuals, as "equals" without being "identical". Currently, there is growing denunciation of the fact that many people's life experiences do not conform to the traditional gender scheme, and that they feel violated in their identity and subjectivity by cultural codes and existing gender stereotypes. Before the forceful reality, the logic of the genre becomes, as Kate Soper says "cruelly anachronistic". We wish, I believe, to go beyond this constant gender consciousness, for the ulterior reason that only in this way our culture will become more indifferent to sexual relationships that are not heterosexual. In other words, I believe that we aspire to achieve a situation in which the so-called deviant sexuality is not only tolerated, but is no longer marked as different. Soper's idealism contrasts with the psychoanalytic understanding of the unfortunate fate that women and men share as incomplete and divided human beings. To understand the limitations of voluntarist positions it is fundamental to understand the process of constitution of the psychic. This is achieved by the metaphor which, in turn, is inextricably linked to the oedipal drama. The effects of the unconscious on the conscious discourse and action of the subject are found and can be explained in terms of the operations of metaphor and metonymy. Before speaking, the human creature looks and wishes everything in terms that do not admit distinction between itself and the world, between inside and outside. Lacan calls the imaginary to a permanent and fundamental level of the human psyche, which also represents a stage of human genesis. The imaginary is characterized precisely by an inability to differentiate between two essential terms: the self and the image, the subject and the object. What is required to mediate in that dyad is language. Therefore, the crucial experience of the imaginary is the discovery of the mirror's stage, which implies assuming and transforming according to a model offered by the other. Lacan poses the oedipal drama as the essential context of entrance to the symbolic. The way in which each subject subjectively solves his Oedipus, positions his desire; and said resolution psychically structures the subject as heterosexual or homosexual. Gender, as a symbol of sexual difference, has defined women and men as "complementary" beings, with "natural" differences specific to each one. Just as gender has hindered the conceptualization of women and men as "equal", it has also excluded sexuality between people of the same sex. The process of "naturalization" of heterosexuality has been studied by Foucault. Foucault argues that today sexuality refers not only to sexual activity itself, but also to a kind of psychic nucleus that gives a definitive meaning to the identity of each person. For Foucault, this "disciplinary reproduction of life" was what justified heterosexuality as "natural". According to him, power acts on sex more deeply than we know, not only as an extreme constraint and repression, but as "the formative principle of its intelligibility". The valuable thing about Foucault's interpretation is that it reveals the process by which sexual behavior transforms into identity. That is why, despite how stimulating and successful his deconstructivist historical analysis of how European society constructs a certain meaning on sexual activity, Foucault's work has the limitation of not understanding the dimension of gender. Today the social identity of the subject is not conceived without a definition of his sexuality; moreover, sexual behavior serves to characterize people as "normal" or "abnormal". Popular psychology takes up what Foucault defined: the sexual identity linked to a kind of psychic nucleus. These four sexual identities are expanded in the face of bisexual behavior. If bisexuality is a form of psychic structuring, or if people structured as homosexual or heterosexual can have a bisexual activity, it is still an unresolved debate. For several years a struggle has been developing, in which feminists participate, trying to redefine a new sexual legitimacy. Therefore, the claim that feminism has raised part of questioning heterosexuality as the "natural" form around which everything else is pure pathology. If homosexuals are considered a minority that must be respected or tolerated, such as a third sex, it does not get to the heart of the matter and homophobia will be maintained, sweetened with a layer of political correctness. Unfortunately, the theoretical advances do not guarantee a transformation of the customs; This is the result of social mobilizations coupled with persistent cultural criticism, aimed at deconstructing the symbolic. Judith Butler considers the deconstruction of gender as a process of cultural subversion. This conceptualization suggests the provocative idea of ​​gender as an element to renew cultural history. To answer that question, Butler writes a book in which he critically reviews modern thinking about the logic of gender. Since his philosophical training, he takes up several authors to show different aspects of the processes of construction and deconstruction of gender, and its close relationship with subjectivity. More than raising the possibility of building our own versions of the genre, she insists that we must develop "a strategy to denaturalize bodies and resignify body categories". His reflection is an anti-essentialist argument, in which much of the feminist critique comes together. Butler proposes a "subversive resignification" of the genre and wants to make it proliferate "beyond a binary framework". She wonders if "naturalness" is constituted through cultural acts that produce reactions in the body and she is interested in elucidating which are the founding categories of identity: sex, gender or desire. Butler opens a fertile path for feminism by stating that we should not stop the political task to explore issues of identity. Her criticism of essentialism leads her to consider what new form of politics emerges when identity no longer restricts the discourse of feminist politics. Reflections like his have symbolic efficacy for the feminist struggle, especially to establish the orientation of a new ethic that criticizes the way in which social existence is thought. Because of its homophobic blindness and structural sexism, the State has been unable to take seriously and effectively several important issues. One of them, very pressing, is the one related to AIDS. From an apparent political "disinterest" in the body, the state has passed, not to an informative and preventive policy but to an attempt to control sexuality. Instead of giving rise to a massive campaign of preventive information, this attitude of the state in the face of the epidemic has generated a moralistic panic, which encourages homophobia and the puritanical rejection of sexuality. The problem of legality, of legal law, underlies the problem of symbolic law. This process of registration of the law is manifested within the four areas noted by Turner: reproduction, representation, regulation and repression. That is why it is urgent to deconstruct the psychic and cultural mediations imbricated in sexism and homophobia, and to deepen the analysis on the construction of the subject. University of California, Berkeley. The production of Great men. Gender in perspective: from universal domination to multiple representation. 1992 "The misunderstanding of homosexuality", in feminist debate no. The Western Judeo-Christian man has marked his difference as an inequality also with the indigenous, the black, the Jew, and so on. The process of psychic structuring is done according to how the subject is positioned before the sexual difference. Here it is appropriate to recall Bourdieu's formulation of the habitus. For him the schemes of habitus are the set of historical relations "deposited" in the individual bodies in the form of mental and bodily schemes of perception, appreciation and action. These schemes are of gender and, in turn, engender gender. Sexism is not reduced to the example discussed, but covers any discrimination based on sex. Celia Amorós has amply demonstrated the ideological background of the term "natural", which evokes notions of immutability, of correction, of normality. This is done, for example, by Teresa de Lauretis. For my argument, I have only taken up the line that points out the discordance between the psychic and the anatomical. This happens not because racism and sexism are overcome, but because at least they are recognized as a problem. Amorós has developed very aptly the contrast between the equals and the identical ones. Jacques Lacan explicitly rejected any assimilation of his work to an academic discourse, and refused to make a systematic exposition of his thought. He was interested in his work being taken as a series of explorations, and not as dogmatic assertions or theoretical certainties. Almost all of his thought is scattered in conferences or spoken classes, and the printed texts serve only to have a general reference. The prohibition of incest refers to the restriction of an enjoyment impossible to expect from the mother, from the parents and in general from their substitutes. People are structured psychically by the Oedipus, which raises the taboo of incest. Michael Walzer says: it involves a social agreement to consider obviously different people as equivalents for a given purpose. Therefore, the political notion of equality includes, and in fact depends on, an acknowledgment of the existence of difference. The demands for equality have been based on implicit or usually unrecognized arguments of difference; If the groups or individuals were identical or equal there would be no need to ask for equality. Equality could be defined as a deliberate indifference in the face of specific differences. Error checking email. Please try again Sorry, your blog can not share posts by email.

Spanish Themes, nº 26Publicaciones EspañolasMadrid 1953, 2nd ed. But their cities were falling into the hands of the enemy. On March 28, Medellin was occupied. The civilian population, lacking means of defense; fled before the proximity of the gabachos. The exact place of birth is the source of controversy. The father of the future Marquis of Valdegamas was a lawyer, farmer and farmer accommodated, which allowed a broad economic mobility. Because of this he allowed himself the luxury of taking Don Benito a teacher who taught the first letters to his children. Juan, at eleven years old, already knew some Latin, and suitably instructed by the father he moved to Salamanca to continue his studies. It can not be said that at the height of his life in which we find ourselves already a keen reader of philosophical texts, it is worth mentioning his fondness for historical themes. The pen always accompanied his readings, and in a notebook he wrote down the impressions and conclusions reached. This center of education was founded then with the category of Provincial University. There he studied the last two years required to study Jurisprudence. The friendship between both was soon deep, so that the old politician endowed letters of recommendation to Donoso, in which he made great praises of his young friend. This friendship is a precious influence in the first political formation of Donoso, because there were several summers in which Quintana displayed all his constitutional illusions before him. Sevilla exercised on Juan the spell of its climate. These years of Seville were definitive in the formation of the character of the future Marquis of Valdegamas. Immediately after arriving, he contacted the literary groups, and some money must have cost him, since he soon asked his father for an increase in the amount assigned to him. Since then the vallisoletano attended the meetings of the house that Donoso had in the street of Atocha. He founded literary magazines, frequented redactions of political newspapers, intrigued, moved and managed to be known. But in the autumn of 1828 the College of Cáceres, of which he had been a student, calls him to be a professor of it, and asks him to make the opening speech. The texture of the discourse gives a clear idea that it was prepared with great care and that it had taken care to take into account the great creators of philosophical systems. Rationalism presides over all its theses, and Roof discovers in it an "eclecticism of its own." From here started a sincere friendship that ended Soon-Donoso was working with vehemence when he was convinced of the goodness of a cause-in marriage. In early 1830 the two young men got married. In the two years following the wedding Donoso worked as a lawyer with his father. Towards 1832 he returned to the Court again. The Report had a happy reception in the press. In the prologue, written after the terrible massacres of friars in Madrid on July 17, 1834, and well after the work, it shows the great effect that in his mind made this bloody fact. He is constitutionalist, admirer of the Constitution of 1812, without being obfuscated by his brilliance, appreciating his defects without exaggerating his errors. It rejects that the union of many men with their votes can make a king, but bases the legitimacy on the exercise, on the relation of the acts of the sovereign with justice. End the Considerations calling on the Courts that are going to meet to act with discretion and try to save the "divorce" between freedom and order. Suárez Verdeguer has found in this work as main objectives: defend the throne, consolidate freedom, quell anarchy. The influence of the French doctrinaires is clear throughout this paper, as in the one that we have to deal with below. Donoso went to Extremadura, and had to obtain an outstanding success, since he was rewarded giving him the status of oldest official and a decoration. If the Government belongs to the intelligence, the most intelligent, that is, the legitimate aristocracies, must govern. Through the brief pages of the writing we are shown a rationalist Donoso. On this collaboration, as we have already said, there is no logical explanation to be made, and nothing can justify it. Donoso, despite his great political work, did not lose interest in literary gatherings, and on November 16, 1835, he attended a meeting to reorganize the Ateneo and obtained votes to be appointed secretary. Later he was one of the most frequent participants. It happens then in the intimate life of Donoso an exceptional event that will imprint character to its existence. Shortly after the death of the only daughter of their marriage, the wife dies in the summer of 1835. In difficult times she does not have the consolation that will help her endure the harsh trances; in the happy ones he does not find with whom to share his successes. Since Teresa's death, Donoso did not know another woman's love. To proclaim this is one of the best tributes to this man of exquisite soul. His interventions, if not very numerous, are enough to make his name known. The journalistic performance of Donoso is now much greater. These lessons have been unequally judged, and generally wrong. Joaquín Costa, however, goes so far as to say that they are the most important political technical treatise since Suarez. For us, the importance of the lessons lies in the fact that they mark an interesting point in the itinerary of Donoso's ideological transformation. It begins by pointing to a conflict -which also embodied in it- represented by the autonomy of reason, as a harmonizing social principle, and that of freedom, as a destroyer of social harmony. The law of the first is fusion and harmony; the law of seconds, divergence and combat. Here appears the idea, very modern, of the State as a movement. Government action has a limit that can not be transferred, and when it does it becomes despotism. The representatives of the people are the most capable in theory, according to Donoso, so the Government must be representative. In the lessons there is a glimpse of something that haunts him throughout his life, and that both the revolution and the dictatorship are transitory needs of political life. It has been wanted to see in this work the first initiative for the ideological change of Donoso. Criticizes the classic division of powers saying that it is an absurdity, because always dominates the strongest. The Cortes are "one sublime institution, only inferior in importance to the throne ", but they are not Power. Conceive here the hierarchically organized society, in whose summit it places the Monarch. He thinks that in addition to the popular House there must be another chosen by the Monarch, without popular intervention. Donoso has already felt hesitate his convictions with the harsh experiences to which the reality of his time has subjected him, and by contrasting his beliefs to the facts is required to move insensibly towards points ignored by him. On July 17, 1839, he went to France, after obtaining permission in his administrative position. Well I had observed the political landscape. There he must have met Donoso, who wrote him the Manifesto that he directed to the Spanish nation. Donoso, after publishing in the newspapers of the Court an article in which he defended the royal rights, returned again to Paris, and made extensive contact with the artistic and literary circles. His considerations on war, sacrifice and pain, as purifying elements, were always present in Donoso. She was acclaimed Queen of Spain on November 8, 1843. On October 1, 1845, she was also named a Gentleman of the Chamber, with exercise. He drafted the report and defended the project in the Chamber. Because of this concrete fact, Donoso broke the intimate relationship that until then had linked him to the moderate group, which was then called "puritan". The reform meant as much as one more step towards order, it was like an advance along the same path by which he personally marched. In the speech, bluntly, breaks any relationship with the moderate party. Lafuente says that "in 1842 Donoso was thirsty for affirmations and very angry against negotiations and doubts." Speak warmly of his idea of ​​the Monarchy. See for us the political reality. But he is interested that his idea of ​​democracy is not confused. The parliamentary life of the Extremaduran politician in these years became much more intense than it had been until then. His voice was often heard in the Cortes, and his interventions were more valued, which came to be heard with feeling because of the influence he exercised in the Chamber. In spite of everything, Donoso continued to be a loner. Proposes that the clergy owner of perpetual income of the State be made, as a sure means of attending to their subsistence and consecrating their independence. For the first time, and only, Donoso raised the flag of the need to constitute a national political party that ends the differences of groups and factions. France has no foreign policy even when it seeks it, and Spain neither has nor seeks it. He believes that the neighboring nation has sought our friendship when it has been found weak, and yet has belittled us by feeling powerful. Our point of friction with the French finds it in Africa. I say it is our permanent interest because it is not a match; it is Spanish. England is judged harshly, as in other of his works. This does not mean that England aspires to material possession of the Peninsula. Now, gentlemen, it turns out that England is closer to us than France. His spirit is in motion, the grace of the Lord has touched his soul. All you need are the precise events that shoot you high. He is the submissive son of the Church, and as such, he finds only justifications for the Pope's actions. But now there are important events that are going to move your soul. He wanted to imitate that holy man from that day, and the religious faith that was lethargic in the most intimate part of his being, aided by a movement of Grace, began to awaken and become a living part of his mental structure and the behavior of the young man political. That he never stopped being a Catholic is proven by the thread of his writings and speeches that we have followed up to now, although in many occasions his ardor and passion left his religious sense in the background. The exact expression It would be to say that Catholicism was present in his life, but not with a real and full force. In these years of struggle and internal anxiety two other decisive events take place simultaneously in its evolution. The mystery is a mystery of tenderness. For him it is necessary to carefully separate the two aspects of his conversion: the intellectual and the religious, and although the method is fair, we must not forget that it is necessary to be supported by his advances in one field to understand those achieved in the other. Let us not forget at this point either that his brother Pedro was, as we have said, a Carlist. Schramm considers his political position important in all of Donoso's evolution. In some epigrammatic couplets they call him "plenipotentiary martyr, former deputy and marquis", and they gave him the ridiculous nickname of "Quiquiriquí". From that moment on, except for his intervention in the disagreement between the royal spouses - of which Natalio Rivas has spoken -, he does not act in the concrete and small daily policy, attached to the circumstances of the moment. This is also my purpose, and to him I fix and to my behavior. The things of religion concern me exclusively. "It was Donoso himself who pointed out with his same pen the transition from one of his times to the other. If you can not underestimate the reaction that this entails in your mind, you can not give it an exceptional importance. The two parliamentary prayers have traveled the world yesterday, and return to tour today, filling with wonder and admiration. Interpretations are not always fair or disinterested, but the strength of their content is clear with the permanent youth of their arguments. The clear ideas, without any twisting, are at this point easy to perceive. It is a speech delivered in the middle of an abnormal situation in Spain, surrounded by a Europe in which the revolution has taken hold. The only possibility at that time is represented by General Narváez, who, with the strength given by his military rank, is the only one who can maintain order. When legality is enough to save society, legality; when it is not enough, the dictatorship. I was born to understand them, I was not born to imitate them. The only solution that Donoso glimpses is the return to the religious spirit, but he does not believe it possible or probable in the people collectively, even when he expects it in men. The prophetic genius of Donoso, about whom so much has been spoken, he explains it thus: "To announce these things I do not need to be a prophet. I even considered the terrible whole of human events from their only true point of view: from Catholic heights. "That is why he judges revolutions as providential acts that God sends to peoples. Gentlemen, here, as elsewhere, the revolutions are attributed not to the defects of the governments. And you will be like the rich; see there the formula of socialist revolutions against the middle classes. And you will be like the nobles; see there the formula of the revolutions of the middle classes against the nobility classes. And you will be like kings; see there the formula of noble revolutions against kings. Lastly, gentlemen, and you will be like gods; see there the formula of the first rebellion of the first man against God. Before leaving for Berlin, Madrazo painted his famous delay. In it he insists on his theses about various theological and political points. This being so, it is clear that freedom of discussion necessarily leads to error, as freedom of action necessarily leads to evil. Human reason can not see the truth unless it is shown to be an infallible authority and teacher; the human will can not want good or act if it is not repressed by the fear of God. It is the so-called Discourse on Europe, which is a great glimpse of the then European reality - with which it has made direct contact - and an accurate forecast of the development of events. Combat first to those who believe that socialist progress can be stopped only with economic measures. Enter these economic questions, put them first, and I announce that before two years you will have all socialist issues in Parliament and in the streets. Society does not know how to act in the face of this new fact, and everything announces confusion and cataclysm. Donoso has one of his most eloquently catastrophic moments here. Today, gentlemen, in Europe all roads lead to perdition. Some are lost by giving in, others are lost by resisting. For Donoso is that the governed have become ungovernable; in which the idea of ​​divine authority and human authority has completely disappeared. To base his theory of the relations between the religious and the political, he speaks of two historical phases of society: one affirmative and the other negative. Russia, in case of war, would have to fight against all of Europe, which should not be willing. The enslaved nations count, gentlemen, with 80 million inhabitants. But from this contact of Russia with the western civilization can come its decomposition, because it will act in its veins like a poison. England, however, is the least exposed to revolutions. But for Britain to fulfill its mission it needs to be Catholic, to have Catholic forms and institutions. France does not count at all on this problem in Donoso's mind, since it is no longer a nation; «It is the central club of Europe». Together we have always fought; Let's fight together yet. Your divorce is sacrilege; the country will ask you to account for it in the day of your great misfortunes. That day maybe is not far; he who does not see it possible suffers an incurable blindness. If you are warlike, if you want to fight here, keep your weapons for that day. Do not precipitate, do not precipitate conflicts. Gentlemen, is not your pain enough for every hour, every day your grief and every month your work? The work was completed on August 7, 1850, but until the following year it was not released to the public. Here the theological studies followed by Donoso, and the safe and definitive change of their political and religious orientation are noted at every step. The Essay is divided into three books. The first deals with the relationships of theology and politics, society and Catholicism and the triumph of the Catholic Church over society. Catholic theology gave birth, then, to a new political order. Two things are absolutely impossible in a truly Catholic society: despotism and revolutions. "God left society to show him the true way and teach him the solution of his problems to the Church, his mystical city. This ordination is done by virtue of the divine precept of love. The incarnate Son of God triumphed over the world only by virtue of supernatural means; "Reason was overcome by faith, and nature by grace." The Church triumphed in the world by virtue, also, of the supernatural means of grace. It is to consider how God manifests his will in the world by prodigious means, of which we call the newspapers nature, and the intermittent, miraculous ones. The dogma of providence and grace reveal to us the existence of a supernatural world, where the reason and the causes of everything we see reside substantially. " The natural strength of grace is communicated perpetually to the faithful through the sacraments. In surrendering, man has his reward; in overcoming, his punishment. Free will does not consist in the faculty of choosing good and evil, which incite man equally. Therefore, between the freedom of choice for good or evil and human perfection - which must tend towards good - there is "obvious contradiction, absolute incompatibility." If the notion one has of freedom were the exact one, God would not be free, because he would be subject to the solicitation of good and of evil, which is absurd. When he was created in the earthly Paradise, man understood good, and because he understood it, he wanted it, embracing him freely because of that clear judgment he had to distinguish it. Between his freedom and that of God there was a difference of limitation, because that of the Lord could not be lost or undermined, and that of man, yes. Original sin clouded his understanding and left his will intact. Human freedom became very serious, as it is today. But man must cooperate so that merely sufficient grace becomes effective. God created man free of evil, but he did not endow it with all the good, because in this case God would have done it. Man then enthroned himself as the center of creation. It is then extended in considerations about the effects of sin, cause of the disorder of the world. They believe that evil is a pure question of government, and that a government is bad when it is not legitimate. He says that this is the case, even if it causes strangeness, because the liberal school is not an atheist in its dogmas, but in its consequences. He is a deist, even without knowing it, and his constituent theory of the people starts from here. Society then allows itself to be governed willingly by a school that never says affirmed or denied and that says everything I distinguish. But socialism, which has its theology, is detractor, because it follows a satanic theology. The definitive triumph will be of the Catholic school, for being at the same time theological and divine. When the transformation by them has been realized, then the earth will enjoy a golden age, and evil will have disappeared from the earth. Donoso rejects these arguments with the following thesis: Evil is in society in an essential or accidental way. Socialism differs from Catholicism in that social redemption is in his human work and not divine. It begins by highlighting the disorder produced by the first sin, whose guilt is transmitted to all the generations that have been, are and will be. The explanation of this transmission is seen by Donoso resembling the transmission that in the moral and physical order occurs with some diseases by radical corruption of nature. The creation of the first couple makes their posterity, after having clouded their understanding with guilt, also carry that stigma of the clouding of intelligence. It speaks then of the dogma of solidarity, admitted throughout the ages. Liberalism denies religious solidarity by denying the transmission of guilt, and denies political solidarity by proclaiming norms that exclude it. So, then, liberalism has not done more than set the premises on which later socialism has been based. The two schools are not distinguished by ideas, but by boldness, and victory would correspond to the most thrown. The blood of man could not be expiatory of the original guilt, which is the fault of the species, the human sin par excellence. That is why the Sacrifice of Golgotha ​​was necessary. Man must use reason in his discovery and union with Truth, not to discover its mysteries, but to explain and see it. And in short, as I said before, one way or another always meets God. In the first place, he affirms that his support for the Ministry has been for exclusion, since he was the one who could approach his doctrines the most, even though they were not his own. Then he affirms that corruption fills the layers of the Government and its representatives in the provinces. The Ministry "is guilty to a certain extent, because it encourages this corruption with the impunity it leaves its agents, and is also guilty for its silence." Affirms that the responsibility of the Government is greater, for having used an omnipotent power. This was in the late fall of 1851: it was raining heavily, but he went all the way on foot. At four-thirty in the afternoon of May 3, 1853, he felt such oppression in his chest that a priest asked. The parish priest of San Felipe de Roule was informed, He attended in last trance. Extreme unction was administered in the presence of the ambassadors of Austria and Prussia. The nun asked her to remember her when she was in God's presence, as she had promised, and Donoso insisted that she would not forget. Then the Marquis of Valdegamas was forty-four years old, minus three days. The Emperor was represented by one of his field assistants, and military honors were given him. Even his enemies recognized the value of his writings. If Donoso was not a Carlist, although he might have ended up in that field, he was a traditionalist consistent with Spanish classical thought, and that is why it is not risky to make him appear next to the names mentioned. All the companies that restore Spanish thought in recent years have had it as an undoubted guide.

Lewis Mumford points out that in Chinese tradition, enemies were often wished to live "interesting times". It was a way of condemning them to turbulence, violent changes and imbalance. It was the 1950s, and Mumford claimed that, undoubtedly, the times they had to live were "interesting times." By this he meant that mechanization gave rise to an unprecedented reduction of human capacities to create and modify their conditions of existence, extending at the same time scarcity and famine, wars and the cult of totalitarian regimes. Our times may be even more "interesting". The culmination of the technological society seems to have exhausted the attempts to stop the automation process. The price of mechanical progress is that the human being leaves the fundamental nucleus of his existence, and launched at full speed, lose sight of the danger signs. In the ascending progression of our technical complexity is that same inertia that continues to drag us. All the technological prostheses that we acquire to avoid having to make decisions make us more vulnerable and subject us more to the criteria of the machine. What Langdon Winner calls "technological somnambulism" expresses very well this feeling of being marching with the autopilot. So those willing to give up "the practical advantages" to safeguard their autonomy have been almost reduced to the status of a heretical sect within the majority of technophile religion. It is possible that the full integration in the megamachine is no more than the delirium of a few who try to strengthen their dominance over the rest. But then the discomfort and uneasiness that we felt would be a last symptom of health of that part of life that still resists being submitted. Throughout this work I have argued that sociological techniques - because you can not even talk about theories anymore - in their very conception, are a commitment to control and domination. Industrial logic has subsumed any attempt to destroy the existing order, reducing social issues to technical discussions or social engineering. The generalized consensus around the fundamental bases of domination, propitiates this gradual technification of the subjects, which reduces their thinking to a babble and their activity to the most desperate mise en scène of the false conscience. Editorial Diaclasa, Barcelona February 2016. This text is not a critical study of the theses set forth in the book La insurrección que viene or es una endeavor of "theoretical dismantling" of it. At first I came up with the idea of ​​approaching it that way, and I'm certainly not the only one. Quite a few things said in this book could actually be discussed. But I quickly had the feeling of the futility of that approach. This feeling, this intuition rather, was the impossibility of a dialogue with this book, or a dialogue that at a given moment always breaks. The central point in the text was not the affirmed but the affirmation itself. I say pseudo-movement because the alterglobalizers never wanted to move, except against the minorities who practiced violence against institutional buildings and business or financial headquarters. This book contains a chronologically ordered collection of texts by Miguel Amorós and represents a complete overview of the issues he has been dealing with in recent years. Argelaga, Barcelona February 2016. The immediate task of criticism will then be to denounce the psycho-political mechanisms of containment and the conformist mesocratic mentality in which they are anchored. But reflection does not separate from passion: the desire for reason starts from the reason of desire. Later he was part of the editorial team of the Encyclopédie des Nuisances magazine. He recently published the book on the civil war "The revolution betrayed. The subversive action in the most hostile of the conditions »brings together diverse and varied texts that reflect the essence of his critical contribution to the fights in which he has participated. 20x13cm This brief selection of concise exhibitions shows the actuality of the term "combat text": writing for emancipatory practice from the social commitment and positioning in each of the controversies that this entails. 20x13cm In this book are grouped texts reduced by Miquel Amorós between May 2009 and December 2010, along with some previous ones that have served as a preamble, all resulting from the work of agitation that for years has been dedicated to its author. So, to a large extent, they are the fruit of collective debate. They expose "the master lines through which the real criticism of capitalism in its final phases", applied to concrete situations. The anti-development perspective is "critical of mass society and the idea of ​​progress". Pepitas de Calabaza, Logroño 2012. In its pages, the reader will find the new arguments that Amorós adds to the criticism of urbanism or to the criticism of developmentalism, as well as his contributions against false answers. And with all this helps to clarify some aspects of the distorted social history. These are not discussions that are echoed by the media, but serious contributions to the debates that, like clandestine truths, are making their way into the growing opposition to the dictatorship of the economy. Dissidences that once again confirm us that neither parties nor unions nor convivialist assemblies will save us. Setbacks.Texts of Radical thinking. Critical Documentation Center, Madrid December 2007. 16x12cm State of necessity and legitimate defense is a reflection on the use of violence against those who are responsible for the possibility of nuclear genocide. Faced with this state of need, and once it has been proven that all forms of peaceful response are useless, self-defense is imposed, the threat to those responsible to change their attitude. It is, then, an option that seeks to impose non-violence. Editorial Besatari, Bilbao 1995. In this sense, it contributes to deepen that work and to investigate the experiences of Günther Anders, one of the foundational foundations of his thought. Thus, he delves into his concern for antifascism during the rise of Nazism and his subsequent flight from Europe, given his Jewish origin. The fundamental aspects of the three great revolutions of the modern era are studied in their internal links to formulate far-reaching theoretical generalizations. Perhaps the superior importance that the author attributes to the American Revolution with respect to the French one, in discrepancy with the theses usually maintained by traditional historiography, constitutes the most notable conclusion of the essay. Special interest also offers the analysis of war as a basic political feature of our time and defining element of the physiognomy of the twentieth century, in close relationship of reciprocity and mutual dependence with the revolutionary phenomenon. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 2008. The term "violence", in its most elementary sense, refers to the damage exerted on people by other human beings. For political philosophy, the violence object of its study has two faces: the organized violence of the State or the one that rises in front of it. This has led many to think that violence is primarily a form of exercising power. Virus Editorial, Barcelona July 1997. This book delves into some of these realities, from the point of view of two foreigners who do not hide behind any ethnological or journalistic mask and who do not fear or get excited or questioned. This book is not looking for an exotic excuse, but for common feelings, human experiences nothing strange. Indigenous democracy is not living room: in the assemblies of the people music is not pure seasoning, dance not dispensable joy. Accompany the debates, emphasize the eloquence, seal the decisions taken. And if sometimes, when the blood is snatched, the rhythms of the band and the dance of the kids come to interrupt the talks, it is clearly because the body also has its reasons. Editorial Klinamen, Madrid 2010. We also recognize the valid points of versions of class struggle anarchism, the German and Italian left and other trends. Virus Editorial, Barcelona March 1999. In the present series of texts the focus turns to the idea of ​​a re-emergence praxis and, therefore, to the problem of organization. The group as a means, or as a mechanism of alienation, has been replaced here by the group of Mediators, dedicated to overcoming separation. This book could be qualified as an experiment-of-thought about festive brotherhood-it has no greater ambitions. Above all, it does not pretend to make known "what should be done" - the deception of aspiring curators and gurus. He does not want disciples -I would rather be burned: immolation, not emulation! In fact, he has virtually no interest in "dialogue," and would prefer to attract co-conspirators rather than readers. He loves to talk, but only because talking is a form of celebration rather than a way of working. And only intoxication is between this book and silence. Spread across it were islands, remote hiding places where ships could be provisioned and loaded with the fruits of pillage to satisfy all kinds of luxuries and needs. Ediciones Recortes, Montevideo September 1997. Utopia as a literary genre flourished in Antiquity, in the Renaissance, in Romanticism. As a vital aspiration and as a mentality, it was present in all the moments of history. History, in fact, begins with a radical fracture between rulers and the governed and with the consequent division between owners and proletarians. Tusquets Editores, Barcelona December 1981.. Carandell had already written several articles about the communes as an alternative to the family. The idea of ​​this book came, then, practically by itself from that dinner of friends. The question we asked then: "How to achieve a total change if we do not first radically change our own way of life?" Remains unanswered so far. Igor Caruso sees the origins of socialization in the prenatal stage. The contacts with the mother already exist in many ways, so that the acceptance or the conscious or unconscious rejection of the child in formation acquires a meaning that is not negligible. In this phase the primary narcissism is already developed, which, as is known from the beginning of psychoanalysis, is the basic source of all love relationships. This primary narcissistic stage, which extends to the first two years of life, is the basis of a happy union between mother and child, which in turn represents for the child the foundation for other social relationships. If this narcissism is disturbed in the prenatal period or in the immediately Subsequently, all subsequent social mechanisms are disrupted. The consequence is the "autistic catastrophe", the neurotic orientation towards the following narcissistic forms. In the second part of his work, Caruso discusses the problematic of the functions of the "I-us" and adaptation. These socialization factors can only be effective and experienced positively when the first narcissistic phase has passed successfully. Enclave de Libros, Madrid 2013. Key reference of contemporary critical thinking, the extensive and powerful work of Ivan Illich is, to date, one of the most successful exercises of criticism of industrial society and its alarming drifts. The inestimable value of the inheritance of Ivan Illich is that of an indefatigable thought that does not accept that human nature is reduced to a simulacrum of itself, stripped of its connotations of gender and subject to the slavery of the market. His friend and colleague Erich Fromm said that the best definition of this free and controversial spirit was that of "radical humanist". He was referring mainly to his constant questioning of reality and all its constituent topics, without any fear of expressing ideas and solutions that would be inadmissible for some. Recorded in 1988 and broadcast on radio in 1989, these conversations reconstruct the intellectual biography of Ivan Illich. The result is an important account of the influences and vital experiences that marked the theses of his main investigations. Conversations with Ivan Illich. An archeologist of modernity puts for the first time within the reach of readers in the Spanish language a fundamental tool for the knowledge of his work. Pepitas de Calabaza, Logroño April 2017. I came to look for the zero zone of depopulation, the point just where the tumor of loneliness is transmuted into extreme metastasis of desolation. I came one Sunday at noon looking for a single pastor named Matias. But I found nothing but silence and solitude. I found nothing but a non-place in a no-time, a geographical and mental crossroads away from any known coordinate. In its interior they live less than eight inhabitants per square kilometer. There is not such an extreme and empty place in all of Europe. This winter journey through a demographic Nothing gives voice to the last inhabitants of a world in extinction. Paco Cerdà has written the chronicle of the others, those who remained detached from a urbanized country at great speed that has forgotten its rural origin. Critical Thinking Library. 18x12cm Failed states, writes Chomsky, are those who lack the capacity or will "to protect their citizens from violence and perhaps even destruction" and "are considered beyond the reach of national or international law." They suffer a serious "democratic deficit" that deprives their institutions of authentic substance. Ediciones Ariel, Barcelona 1972. This work constitutes, then, the denunciation of a genocide: the most documented and impressive account that has been written to date on the Asian war. Virus Editorial, Barcelona 2010. Clastres's work underlies a deep concern: the question of power. For him, the appearance of the State is the greatest historical accident. In the State lies the origin of domination and inequality. Pepitas de Calabaza, Logroño 2015. Melusina, Barcelona 2009.115pp. In this sense, the Empire is not an enemy facing us. It is a rhythm that imposes itself, a way to make reality flow and flow. There is, in fact, no crime without justification; and this is more than anywhere true for the multitudinous crimes of State. The faith and the stupidity of the populations are only conditionally surpassed by the faith and stupidity of their leaders. To be able to squander human lives, Statistics has previously to reduce them to mass and number of souls; but the statistical operation makes the statesman first in the most blind and obedient of the pieces of the computer. Editorial Lucina, Madrid October 1987. The greatest aspiration of the human being is happiness. However, despite the many means that progress has made available, it can not be said that the current man or woman is happier than those of earlier times. They have at their disposal material possibilities and comforts previously unknown. Wars have not ended and are today more destructive than they ever were. Misery and hunger are over more than half of the human race. This work tries to show that we are following the wrong path. And also that it is possible to rectify and build a world on firmer, more logical, more human... and more beautiful bases. Alianza Editorial, Madrid 1969. The breadth and thematic variety of the works of Joaquín Costa has made it possible for them to take unduly the nature of unilateral and forced interpretations of his work, mounted on quotes taken from the context and the result of superficial and little reflective readings. This anthology of his writings tries to be a representative sample of that vast production, amazing both in its extension and in its quality. Aldarull Edicions, Barcelona April 2016. The work of those below enrich those above. At any time, we could stop going to work or school, and turn those spaces into community centers, and give up obeying orders. The American collective CrimethInc. Outlines in this book an analysis of capitalism: what it is, how it works, how we can dismantle it. It accompanies it with a diagram of the different positions and dynamics that shape the economy and shape the work. Who does not talk to me and like me, has nothing to say. Who does not act with me and like me, is sick of impotence. Who does not live with me and like me, wants to commit suicide. This is the teaching that the Empire throws to its subjects. But the barbarians are deaf to such admonitions, their ears are only sensitive to the voice that calls them to the assault of the Empire, to make clean slate with what exists. His fury instills terror even in many enemies of the Empire, eager to defeat him, yes, but with good manners. Accustomed to spending their days waiting to start living, the enemies of the Empire confuse the barbaric immediacy with the thirst for blood. They are totally incapable of understanding in favor of what the barbarians fight, whose language is incomprehensible also to their ears. Too infantile his cries, too gratuitous his daring. In front of the barbarians, they feel powerless like an adult surrounded by untied children. Because it is useless to try to teach people who do not have a language to speak. It is useless to be afraid of guttural sounds and imprudent gestures. It is useless to propose mediations to those who want the impossible. There is no achievable desire to command without correlative desire to obey. Editorial Txalaparta, Navarra 2005. We will do it through unpublished texts, either from own production or from authorship, instruments in both cases that facilitate the political analysis of the multiple faces of domination. This means, among other things, both trying to overcome the double frustration of an atomized and nihilistic individuality, and questioning the spaces of virtual militancy trapped in the networks of non-existence. Frustration that is generalized in the form of a show and remember with Guy Debord that in the society of the show, protest may well be a form of leisure. The final words of the libel suggest the ambivalence to which the affirmation of another non-citizen policy is subjected: Do not ask for anything because defeat is in the claim itself. It would then be about breaking without asking, vindicating without negotiating... there are no propositive formulas, it is ridiculous to give them. Go back then to consider the territory of politics as an invention as well as a subjective break. The first The difficulty that appears when talking about propaganda is the definition. This difficulty increases when it comes to the history of propaganda, since any definition that could be obtained by observing the current phenomenon would be useless. Modern propaganda presents features that are not found in the past. Before our time it does not appear as a specific phenomenon that merits special definition or consideration. No historian of the last century would have thought of writing a history of propaganda. It is the reality of modern advertising that has drawn attention to this phenomenon, inducing us to look for its origins in the past. It is necessary, therefore, to impose to the historical fact our current vision of things. The European Union is in the process of being refounded as a world superpower to better defend the interests of European capital in this new stage of «armed globalization». The European Project needs to be configured politically and militarily also to support the euro, a currency with a desire to become a hegemonic currency, rivaling the dollar. The European Constitution consolidates e! the neoliberal and militarist character of the Union, by betting on the dismantling of public services, the deregulation of the labor market and the establishment of an armed wing that allows defending the "interests" of the EU anywhere in the world. of the Europe of Capital and War. Pepitas de Calabaza, Logroño 2004. This book compiles and reviews the most notorious essays by Christian Ferrer about two people and ungovernable ideas. Perhaps there have never been too many, if one accepts that the definition of an anarchist supposes a "strong" identity, striving activism of minimum returns, and a demanding ethic. Historical circumstances have never been favorable to them, but even so they managed to become ethical-political "counterbalances," compensation for a kind of curse called "hierarchy." Maybe the world is still hospitable because this type of counterweights exist. If in a city only automatic, machine and resigned behavior would occur, it would be uninhabitable. Anarchism, an anomalous thought, represents the shadow »of politics, the unassimilable. That influence aims at the dissolution of the old psychological, political and spiritual regime of domination. Ediciones Folio, Barcelona 2002. The work that is offered here has the subtitle of Scheme of an anarchist theory of knowledge and in it the author rebels against the rationalist view of science, postulating in a provocative way that resources must be accommodated irrational in the research processes. Barral Editores, Barcelona 1974. Published anonymously in 1808, the Theory of the four movements continues to be the fundamental corpus, the most congruent part of the fourierana idea of ​​the world, of its history and of the future. A book that in the future must be completed in the Spanish bibliography with the publication of the unfinished manuscripts known as the New Love World. This book attempts to explain aspects of the contemporary crisis of Western civilization related to the freedom of man. A crisis that shows various manifestations, from which Fromm stands out, for its analytical purposes, its political expression and its sociocultural expression. Both manifestations of the crisis are no more than collective forms of evading freedom. All this causes several consequences in the man of the modern industrial society: a self-consciousness of personal insignificance, a sense of moral solitude and the resignation to sacrifice his own life by virtue of external and superior powers. This book is a search for clues from past history that help explain the present time, which also makes history, based on the premise that the first condition to change reality is to know it. " Galeano Pocket. The world is upside down, with so many white helicopters breaking schools in the four cardinal points. In this world standing on his head, money is the only one that nobody expels and that nobody undoes as a foreigner. Humans, on the other hand, are always suspects, and we run the risk of being treated worse than an invading plague. One hundred and thirty years ago, after visiting Wonderland, Alice went into a mirror to discover the world upside down. If Alicia were reborn in our days, she would not need to go through any mirror: it would be enough to lean out the window. Editorial Lucina, Madrid July 1995.. This attempt is dedicated to this book. Lucina Editorial, Madrid October 1987. Editorial Lucina, Madrid, October 1992. Diagram of the logical description of family relationships and the process of replacing prerational feelings with their own ideas. Editorial Lucina, Madrid December 1998.. García Olivo, from foucaultian and nietszchean postulates, understands that human beings today are homogeneously forged by Western civilization. From his reflection on the Unique Thought it contributes to the criticism of the dominant cultural formations. Bardo Ediciones, Barcelona May 2014. This modality of the State does not appear as a telos of the political logic of Capitalism: it can come and it can go, it approaches and it moves away. Today it tends to fade, as far as the countries of southern Europe are concerned; but it perseveres and even strengthens in others, European and non-European. Where, in the brain of the reader, everything is pacified and pacified as before an immensely calm sea, the author of this book would like to put a small indefatigable hedgehog. And that there is removed, and that key their spines in consciousness. We present a disturbing work, worthy of love and worthy of love. Since the end of the Cold War many new social movements have begun peacefully, only adopting a variety of tactics when they have grown in strength and in collective experiences. The last ten years have revealed more clearly than ever the role of nonviolence. Repeatedly losing the debate within the movements themselves, advocates of nonviolence have increasingly turned to the mass media, the government and institutional funding to drown critical voices. Critical in how the diversity of tactics has worked so far, the book discusses how movements in favor of social change can gain ground and open the spaces necessary to plant the seeds of a new world. With the publication of this selection of recent writings by Ramón Germinal we do not intend to carry out a recognition of the work of theoretical dissemination of its author, but to contribute with it to a clarification within the militant debate. Texts that were conceived as interventions and that want to continue being that: a taking part in the conflict of acting in the unavoidable task of detaching ourselves from the social bonds of domination. Historical library of socialism, 4. Calvinist former minister who lost faith and went on to journalism, literature and political philosophy, Godwin was also a man of agitated and intense existence, putting into practice his doctrine of freedom in personal relationships. Every economics book makes the same statement: money was invented to solve the growing complexity of barter systems. This version of the story has a serious problem, there is no evidence to support it. Since the beginning of the first agrarian empires, humans have used elaborate credit systems to sell and buy goods, even before the invention of the currency. It is today, after 5000 years, when for the first time we are faced with a society divided between debtors and creditors, with institutions erected with the sole will to protect the lenders. On the sidelines, of course, of myths - the trick - or postulates that have more ideological than historical. In debt is a fascinating, relevant and brilliant chronicle that comes to shed light on the most important debate that has taken place in recent years. Virus Editorial, Barcelona 2011. Anarchism has had and has little presence in the academic field, unlike Marxism. This is due, to a large extent, to the fact that anarchism has always been more interested in the practice than in great theoretical disquisitions. So the purpose of the present essay is none other than to answer the question: "What kind of social theory can really be of interest to whom we try to create a world in which people are free to manage their own affairs? » Anthropology has some tools and a knowledge that can be of great value to lay the foundations of a project of social transformation every day more urgent. Virus Editorial, Barcelona February 2002. A corpse dominates society, the corpse of work. Everyone knows a single slogan: work, work, work! Who has not yet forgotten to think, it will not be difficult to realize the inconsistency of such a position. For the society dominated by work is not going through a temporary crisis, but is reaching its absolute limits. The production of wealth is increasingly moving away - in a measure that until only a few decades ago was only conceivable in science fiction - of the use of labor as a consequence of the microelectronic revolution. Nobody can seriously affirm that this process is going to stop or that it is going backwards. It is precisely at the moment of his death when work reveals itself as a totalitarian power that no other god admits to his side. This cynical formula is still valid, despite declaring "surplus" to millions of people. In view of this, every scream claiming work and "jobs" becomes regressive. What is necessary, really, is the fight against work. Social emancipation presupposes a categorical break with this principle of social coercion, to which humanity has submitted for more than two centuries. 17 × 10 cm Growth is essential to maintain a strong economy, and can not produce more goods without stimulating the desire to consume them at the same time. Every day we are subjected to more than three thousand advertising messages. The Marcuse group analyzes the intricacies of the advertising system and denounces a perverse system where advertising works as the ideological fuel of capitalism: it encourages us to consume without measure, hiding the repercussions of a pattern of suicidal behavior. According to the Marxist texts, the State would gradually disappear. Undoubtedly the title is still paradoxical, we live immersed in a culture that has been called communication, using this word also to mean "information." According to generally accepted definitions in linguistics, you "the transfer of information by means of messages". Alikornio Ediciones, Barcelona 2001. The response from the totalitarian faith of the Economy combines overexploitation with concessions aimed at managing governance through the guaranteed allocation of minimum subsistence resources. Underlying all this is the question of the social use of socially produced wealth. That's what sociologists, ministerial cabinets and "critical economists" are for. Human alienation is the theme of our time. concept by Hegel, developed by Marx has ivadido all spheres of knowledge. The purpose of this book is to dilute, specify and define a concept that has acquired a dangerous ambiguity, rising to a plane of universality applied to the Spanish reality. Júcar de Política Library, 57. Art lovers often find greater delight in sketches prior to realization of a work that in the work itself. It is in these drawings, made of some strokes on a bad paper, where genius beats, where it manifests with greater clarity and simplicity. Despite the rigorous argumentative scheme, each page overflows with emotion. Let's act, he says, instead of praying. Txalaparta, Tafalla October 2002. The journalistic field is today a portion of burned land where lying and manipulation of transmitters and receivers configure a whole way of life. Serge Halimi illustrates a growing and universal phenomenon: the way in which the profession of journalist serves as a vehicle, propaganda and defense of the interests of media owners linked to political and economic power. Except for honorable exceptions, journalism, instead of counter-power and service to society, is a formidable ideological support machine, a power transmission belt. The new guard dogs is a disturbing and lucid work that makes us reflect to what extent issues as old as those of power, domination and property are the backbone of the prevailing communication system. This is what is currently happening. Almost half a century ago Tolstoy wrote these words, and what happened then has continued to happen until now. Science and technology have made remarkable progress during the past years, and others have occurred with the centralization of political and economic power, with oligarchy and despotism. Page Indómita, Barcelona 2016. Page Indómita, Barcelona June 2017. Virus Editorial, Barcelona 2012. The industrial logic is not only part of the production methods of consumer objects, but is inherent in all the fundamental instances of contemporary capitalism. The tools that were to free people from the bondage of work, have finally put them at their service. Productivity without limits generates a continuous supply of new products and services, which, subject to the law of obsolescence, provoke a sense of scarcity and growing frustration for everything that we do not yet have or will never have. The result is an increasingly hierarchical and more oppressive society. According to Ivan Illich, a coexistence society would be one that allows "all its members the most autonomous and creative action possible, with the help of tools less controllable by others." Brief Response Library, 130. Barral Editores, Barcelona 1975. Institutionalized medicine has become a serious threat to health. Dependence on health professionals influences all social relationships. In rich countries it has reached morbid proportions; In poor countries, the same thing is happening quickly. We must recognize the political nature of this process, which I will call the medicalization of life. As the author says in the preface, Medical Nemesis is a book in the process of writing, an ongoing draft that should serve to provoke new reflections. The book is composed of three parts, the first to establish the limits of medical progress, the second to the analysis of social symptoms as a result of the medicalization of health and the third to the problem of the expropriation of health and its political contexts. Illich's draft constitutes a deep tasting in one of the most serious problems of contemporary society. The thesis of Ivan Illich, once famous in the world, may have been forgotten, but they have never been minimized. After them, the industrial society - that society that remains standing thanks to the brutalization of its members and the cynicism of its leaders - lost any theoretical justification. But more than discussing the theses that could disturb it, the social oyster has protected itself from them by isolating itself. And his books came to shake the submission of each one to the dogma of the scarcity, foundation of the modern economy. In today's Britain, the working class has become the object of fear and derision. In this acclaimed study, Owen Jones analyzes how the working class has gone from being "the salt of the earth" to the "scum of the earth." Based on an exhaustive and original investigation, this book is an irrefutable criticism of the media and the ruling class, and an enlightening and disturbing portrait of the inequality and class hatred in present-day Britain. The edition includes a new chapter that explores the causes and consequences of the episodes of violence that occurred during the summer of 2011 in England. Alikornio Ediciones, Barcelona, ​​October 2003. This split corresponds to the social division and the dynamics of submission through slavery, servitude, and wage-earning that have been the foundation of Western civilization for centuries and that are oriented towards the dominance and valorization of the world as an object outside the subject. In this sense, the denial of "rational thought" in the so-called primitive peoples is a precondition to its submission and colonization by Western culture. Because it is precisely a privileged moment during which the writer neglects the precautions and reserve that in ordinary time adopts. The event serves as a magnifying mirror and is revealing. A lexicon that has undergone tactical transformations, but whose deep keys remain unchanged. May 68 represents for a whole generation - and for many reasons - a milestone in the illusions of transformation of society, but also a lamentable commonplace for appointment of those who abjured in time of their youthful illusions. And, indeed, it revealed very soon the heretical and independent character of one of the most important American intellectuals of the 20th century. Perhaps the title of the first part of this essay, "Marxism is obsolete", today moves to laughter. But his was not just a revision of Marxism, to which, in 1946, almost nobody dared to stand up without going over to the ranks of reaction. Homeland, "in addition to referring to the most ignominious political currents of the twentieth century, is the inability to recognize the oppressive nature of the State and technological development? The reading of The Root is man is one of the best antidotes against the belief that the best way to combat an alienating and unsustainable way of life is to reinforce the economic-scientific-military framework, giving a new twist to the gargantuan power of the State. Exploring the path marked by Dwight Macdonald is now more necessary than ever. The unrealizable character -utópico in the strict sense of the term- of the situationist program does not come only from the "idealistic" inclination of Vaneigem. Michel Foucault is one of the gods of the contemporary academic and intellectual world. For more than three decades its influence has continued to be felt and extended, in areas ranging from the extreme left to the faculties of philosophy, through museums and contemporary art centers. Very few had raised their voices in front of the flattering chorus that makes Foucault a guru. A few historians and the occasional writer who long ago denounced the "teacher's nihilism" of the teacher. Critical Thinking Library. This may be the great debate of the new century. Alikornio Ediciones, Barcelona 2000. However, Der Ziegelbrenner was and continues to be a revulsion against resignation and complacency that lead to moral and intellectual degradation at any time. In line with the events of his time, it reveals the social and subjective climate that would be the fertile ground for the proliferation of the nationalist plague that would culminate in the criminal apotheosis of Nazism. Pepitas de Calabaza, Logroño 2005. He was a Renaissance individual in the height of industrial capitalism, an esthete refined before the vulgarity of mass production, a poet attracted by medieval reveries and ancient Nordic sagas, a textile designer of inexhaustible energy and a fervent and convinced socialist agitator. Pumpkin Nuggets, February 2016. This volume brings together some of the most luminous ideas of William Morris against the nocivities of modern civilization. The surprising thing is that, almost one hundred and fifty years after being written, Morris's texts continue to give encouragement to the critique of the dreadful world that the civilization of merchandise is leaving behind. Pepitas de Calabaza ed., Logroño 2013. We present for the first time in Castilian the first book published by Lewis Mumford, written just twenty-seven years old, and that did not stop reissuing throughout his prolific life. The edition we present also has a prologue that Mumford himself wrote almost fifty years after its original edition. It reflects in a comprehensive and complete its political proposal, the new paradigm adopted by the movement after the abandonment of the Marxist-Leninist path: the Democratic Confederalism. In this first volume Öcalan investigates the very origins of the great oppressive structures: patriarchy, the state and capitalism. It analyzes how society evolves since prehistory and what social mechanisms are created to justify oppression, injustice and inequality. But before that, it also raises questions about the scientific method, about what research methodology to use to reach really liberating conclusions. In short, it is a complex work that lays the foundations to understand their proposals and analysis of the following volumes. When young proletarians proclaim in acts the dissolution of existing social structures they do nothing but reveal the secret of their own existence, for they are the de facto dissolution of this world. When through vandalism and theft they reject the submission of their lives to the norms of the merchandise, they do nothing but apply to society the same treatment that it has applied to them: the sentence without appeal. However partial and isolated it is, the revolt against the mere appearance of life to which the managers of society seek to reduce us has a universal scope, since it does not attack this or that aspect of modernized misery, but its totality. For the author of this book, salaried work is also a dogma of faith, an inescapable task for the vast majority of people, who assume with a mixture of devotion and resignation a life linked to routine and mechanized work. Faith in progress, technological development, unlimited growth, masks the role played by salaried work within current Western society, which moves towards new forms of totalitarianism and social domination. Profound and demanding, Martín Paradelo's essay aims to clear the path that leads to the unveiling of our own chains, focusing on new forms of domination and their deployment through urban typology. Finally, the author analyzes the fracture possibilities pointed out by some pockets of resistance, emphasizing possible revolutionary drifts and questioning the timeliness of some proposals that could be considered false starts. Bardo Ediciones, Barcelona 2012. This text is an invitation to be aware of a conflict of which, whether we like it or not, we are already part of it. It is an invitation to position yourself. To bring war home, here, where is the beating heart of neocolonialist policies. Because the epoch of the anticolonialist guerrillas has not ended, but our disposition to recognize them has vanished. The insurrection of the Delta speaks to us, asks us for our silence and our complicity. The ultimatums were felt long ago, one after the other, without us failing to pretend not hear them. The warriors of the Delta have pride, dignity, despair and courage. We only have privileges and alibis. They are the armed voice of a whole population, exhausted by decades of looting of resources and by military repression that tries to truncate their protests with all available means. They fight for an end to the contamination of their lands, for compensation for the damages suffered and for the restitution of control of resources to local communities. And if on the one hand this is a serious symptom of the insufficiency of solidarity -also on the simple plane of counter-information-, on the other, what little we know is enough to support. Not with this or that group or fraction of struggle, but against our neocolonialism. This should be our task. This has always been the task of the internationalist forces present in the countries in which the colonial policies are based. This book is a tribute to his battle. Pumpkin Nuggets, Logroño 2013. The fervor of such nationalists was transparently cynical, since they were men who no longer had roots among their parents' relatives: they had found salvation in their savings, prayed for their investments and spoke the language of accounting. Languages, religions and customs became materials for the construction of nation-states. Critical Thinking Library. It explains the precise functioning of the mechanisms that have given rise to the crash and analyzes the possible consequences - social and geopolitical - that could come with it. And it proposes the adoption of a series of concrete measures to refound the economy on a more just and democratic basis. Editorial Paidós, Barcelona 1997. Opposing all this, Reich presents the character as a chronic alteration of the self, a rigid structure whose object is its protection from external and internal dangers, and affirms that this "armoring" occurs as a result of the fear of punishment. Apart from official psychoanalysis since 1934 for his advanced ideas, he also wrote books such as The Sexual Revolution or The Function of Orgasm. Reich agreed with Freud that sexual development was the root cause of mental disorder. Reich continued to develop these ideas and their relationship to concrete facts. Reich explained that bourgeois sexual repression and its subconscious influences were the main causes of neuroses. He advanced the idea that sex life free from the feeling of guilt would be the best therapy to treat these neuroses. The repression of the satisfaction of purely material needs produces a different result than the repression of sexual needs. In the same way, the prohibition of revolt is equally unconscious. In the conscience of the apolitical average man we do not find an even rudimentary disposition to the revolt... The sexual repression reinforces the political reaction not only with the help of the described process that makes the individuals of the mass passive and apolitical. It also creates a secondary force in the structure of bourgeois man, an artificial interest that actively supports the dominant social order. In effect, if through the process of sexual repression, sexuality is excluded from natural paths of satisfaction, it embarks on the path of various substitute satisfactions. Thus, for example, natural aggressiveness increases to become a brutal sadism that is an essential part of the mass psychological foundations of war, led by a small number of people with imperialist interests. The state of emergency decreed after the attacks of January and November 2015 came to reinforce the security policies already present for many years in France. The growing interconnection of the police and the army is, according to him, revealing the expansion of capitalism, of securitism and the business of selling arms. It is plunging humanity into a new age of barbarism. The book investigates such issues from a multidisciplinary perspective. The historical part examines the Spanish liberal revolution, as part of the wave of pernicious revolutions that the French Revolution has its most finished expression, which results in the rise of state apparatuses, under the pretext of carrying out "La Libertad". It also deals with the later offshoots of the French revolution on the world level, up to the present day, including the Second Spanish Republic. In the section of entomology refutes the foundations of the theoretical and doctrinal way of reasoning, designed to retain the subjugated by canceling their autonomy and intellectual virtuality, from the Greeks to our days, advocating experiential procedures. with its existence alone, it denies society the most fundamental prerogative, that of self-governing. This book contains six works by its author. This work is joined by "The beginnings of the current order..." which focuses its analysis on the liberal project undertaken in 1812, a year that Felix manages to demystify by showing the true face of what has been started there. Critical Thinking Library. 18x12cm This book is a compilation of fourteen essays written between 1899 and 1954 by Bertrand Russell, famous English philosopher considered one of the most lucid minds of the last century. In them he exposes his position before Christianity, makes a critical analysis of his postulates and rejects his traditional arguments. It identifies fear as the main foundation of religion, questions the contributions of religion to the happiness of the human being and to civilization and criticizes very strongly the expositions of Christianity in sexual matters. Every day the concern of the social sciences for the foundation of audiovisual culture and its lines of epistemological research is more evident. The communication society imposes and institutionalizes decisive transformations in the habits of social groups that are transnational in nature and that will oblige us to review and irreversibly redefine ethical and socio-political projects. This book offers interest in this perspective. It considers the current fragmentation of ideas and opinions as a set of scores and approaches that can help the interpretation of the present - in the media sphere - and the elaboration of a future perspective. He is not satisfied with only giving faith of his contributions to culture, but he tries to convince us that in him there is more, much more than what we supposed. If we oppose his exact and precise sentences to the anodyne comments of so many doubtful experts, his opinions still shine more brightly because they are born of humble and lasting work. Semprún explains that a universal and entirely original language necessarily corresponds to the radical and universal transformation of life by new technologies. A techno-scientific normalization and the equalization of experience is followed by a purification of the language that is discharged from the task of "expressing feelings that we no longer experience and notions that we no longer conceive". Newspeak is then the "natural language of an increasingly artificial world". Thus A. Sorel begins in this book a tragic and violent song against the Pharisees of culture. Arguedas the commitment that the writer must accept... Deliciously constructed this essay is a mature work made by Sorel from the bitter but hopeful perspective of who has put all the meat on the spit in living. A key text in the history of political ideas. Critical Thinking Library. Useless to remember: politics and lies are usually good companions. Condorcet wrote his dissertation for this contest, although he did not finally present it. Critical Thinking Library. The author never said himself an anarchist but the anarchist movement has seen he to the representative of the philosophy of the sovereignty of the individual. The ecological movements took their ethics, their ideas and their love for nature. Also, the modest, absorbed and at times agitated defense of individual freedom in front of the social machinery captured his life, but never took him out of his affairs. This selection goes through these moments of Thoreau and those tensions. The review supposed an open critic to the technological utopias that tried to transform the whole world, with the excuse of obtaining a paradise of abundance and happiness for the human being, by means of the application and the development of the techniques and the industrial machinery. However, this editorial attention is inversely proportional to the culture of rebellion and disobedience that a consistent reading of his work should inspire. In it, the experience of nature became the defense of an awareness that was in danger of getting lost with the advances of modernization. Thoreau is not treated, therefore, of a defense of nature as if it were a protoecologist. Today we live immersed in the culmination of that era and its disastrous consequences. The cultivation of our conscience and our thoughts has not only lost its relationship with nature, but can become dispensable in a world where everything produced will have the mark of "intelligent" to avoid the work of being us. Perhaps it is too much to ask that books today have the capacity to inspire, even to move, those who read them. If with Paradise, which deserves to be recovered, we contribute, at least, to offer an opportunity for the cultivation of a certain rebellion against this state of affairs, we will be satisfied. Editorial Juventud, Barcelona 2010. Recalcitrante to collaborate with a government that disapproved morally-refused to pay taxes-is a high example of political integrity. Editorial Klinamen, Madrid 2013. The term was rescued by the Romans and today is considered the root of the word obscenity in Latin languages. Always trying to shed light on an off-screen unknown by some, repudiated by others, but in which the transcendent of the class struggle takes place. A fundamental text from which to extract theoretical-practical lessons for the uncertain future that awaits us proletarians. Stories that do not have a beginning or end, some notes that allowed me to approach some of the multiple realities of the town to which I belong. Stories of refugees in their own land. Of women whose home for years are the mountains, and who abandoned their youth to fight for a little freedom and equality. Small stories of Kurdistan that make that, despite the circumstances, this part of the world continues to rotate with some dignity. He currently lives in Istanbul and works in a news network, making a program of life stories. Bardo Ediciones, Barcelona 2010. It is nothing more than the attack to a form of that despotism: the domination of the capitalists. Even in the case of victory, this socialism will not suppress the pillage of centuries, it will only eliminate private property from the material means of production, land and factories. It would not suppress more than capitalist exploitation. For an international of the human kind is a criticism of the current mode of production and capitalist life, and a bet to get out of it. While the parasitic economy of financial capital drives the world to a quagmire of destruction, a new mode of production is emerging, based on the gratuity of energy. Raoul Vaneigem was born in Lessines, in 1934. Those who decreed the end of myths did so to impose their own. The origin of the modern State, the Spanish Transition or the progress thanks to the technique are just some of the stories that shape our vision of the world today. It is about this vision that we develop our daily activity. To become aware of the extent to which they shape our reality, we need to immerse ourselves in the mythological and explore it. The mythological images emerge from the unconscious, transforming and relating according to the context. They express the best, and sometimes, the only way that rational analysis can not explain. In a context that tends to separate us from ourselves, educating the ear for mythological stories could provide some interesting clues. The democratic citizen is always in the middle. With this position defends, in essence, the current social model but try to change some things. To do so, it is placed between the Power and those who rebel against it, trying to contain and channel the conflicts. At the same time, he captures the naive, registers the climbs and condemns those who do not agree: he acts as a filter. The democratic citizen is so in the middle that sometimes we see him, sitting next to us, in a reflection of the window. This booklet tries to approach and understand the myths of the democratic citizen. Editorial Melusina, Barcelona 2011. A simple and didactic guide to expropriate financial institutions. Reserva Fraccionaria is an artistic project that is constituted as a "master plan" that applies to banking the same law that regulates its money generating activity, with the intention of making its functioning visible, which is kept hidden from the population. For this I have created several platforms for dissemination and training to the population. The second has been the creation and publication of a manual with expropriation strategies, legal advice and reflexive texts. Editorial Klinamen, Madrid December 2009. This process does not substitute, but rather accompanies and reinforces the destruction of the State and the political institutions that sustain the merchandise and the wage exploitation. This transformation would not be a mere consequence of the conquest of political power, which would later give way to a social upheaval. To put it positively: it is not only about doing, but about being the revolution. Cauac Editorial, Murcia February 2011.. The bicentennial of Darwin is celebrated with a great media pomp, and, as often happens, what reaches the public is only part of the story. Once again the confusion, the fatal error induced by the media, is to confuse a small selected sample of reality with the general picture or perspective. In this book are the answers of three researchers deeply involved in the part of the story that is not known. Capitalism is the greatest genocide in history, a faceless killer and genetic code that, in modernity, they call liberalism. It leaves no traces and its crimes are almost perfect. Capitalism is on all sides and nowhere. Alikornio Ediciones, Barcelona 2001. Racism and xenophobia are realities that extend in a worrying way for European countries, and are paired with the escalation of a populism that advocates the renewal of national sentiment and the elaboration of identity particularisms. It is in this framework that the crisis of the Nation-State is addressed as a consequence of the historical development of capital in its process of destruction of the national community and the affirmation of the identity of the merchandise. Descontrol Ediciones, Barcelona August 2015. This is one of the phrases that can be heard say in the Kurdish liberation movement. Surrounded by authoritarian governments and armed groups with an intolerant and macho ideology, the population of Rojava has managed to break free and resist, while at the same time carrying out an important revolutionary process of social transformation. This process has as priorities democratic and horizontal decision-making, radical feminism, cooperative economy at the service of society and peaceful coexistence among all social groups. This book aims to make a small introduction to this exciting project and explain what its causes have been. It is also the first volume of the "sun of revolt" collection that aims to create the necessary bibliography to approach the revolutionary process of Kurdistan. Editorial Klinamen, Madrid December 2009. Democracy is an alienated way of structuring human sociability. It is the best finished model, until now, that Capital has been endowed. That is why we criticize it and fight to put in its place another social form beyond the splits that it operates between producer and consumer, between individual and society. While this event is one of the most powerful outbursts of proletarian activity in recent years, it shows that autonomous violence is necessary but insufficient. A revolutionary movement is more than one or a hundred liberated areas. It develops fighting against public and private repression, as well as beginning to change the material basis of social relations. No self-managed street struggle or grassroots solidarity in the neighborhood, even if they are indispensable, inevitably contains the acts and intentions that bring about such a change. In other words, a revolution resulting from the common denial of submission, from the hope of reaching a point of no return in which people transform themselves and achieve a sense of their own power as they transform reality. Virus Editorial, Barcelona November 1999. Muturreko Burutazioak 24, Bilbao October 2015. That capitalism does not work, has passed after the crack of 2008 beyond being an activist slogan to become a social truth. That life is something else, no one in his right mind puts him in doubt. In turn, Corsino Vela has been maturing after years of conversations with various focuses of anti-capitalist militancy, reflections and affirmations that bring light to this difficult but exciting moment. The two fundamental issues of his works, the obsolescence of the human being in a world ruled by machines and the possibility of the total annihilation of humanity, constitute the great themes of a twentieth century that continues in our days. Fragments of the world is an attempt to summarize what is played in each of the works of the German philosopher. It tries to situate its author in the intellectual, moral and political conflicts in which his work intervened and bring the reader a good part of his own writing and way of thinking. Editorial Kairos, Barcelona 1977. We have only two alternatives left: the dead end or the utopia. Utopia means the liberation of language, the overcoming of abstraction, the confrontation here and now between an original nature and a culture that oppresses it. A libertarian and humanizing message that - in a dark end of the century - resounds prophetic, current and stimulating. Born in Paris into a family of Jews. After a brilliant philosophical career, he worked a year in the Renault, between 1934 and 1935. He died in the sanatorium in Ashford in August of the same year. It is in the 30s when he participates more actively in revolutionary journals. Changes and perspectives that orientate more towards a new system of oppression than towards the free association of workers. Structures and Processes Collection. The experience of Simone Weil's factory work between December 1934 and August 1935 is due to her vocation to expose herself and to submit her ideas to the test of reality. But this "contact with real life" has consequences both for her and for the evolution of her thought that go beyond the initial intention of studying "the real conditions that determine the bondage or freedom of the workers". It has meant that all the external reasons on which the feeling of my dignity, respect for myself, was based, in two or three weeks have been broken radically under the blow of a brutal and daily oppression. But, in addition to presenting this learning of misfortune, the writings gathered in this book constitute one of the most lucid contributions to contemporary reflection on work. Through the critical examination of the so-called rationalization, Simone Weil advocates a science of machines and technique that, instead of enslaving man, adapts to his perception at work. And he conceives a spirituality of non-servile work that manifests the joy and misfortune inherent in human work. Structures and Processes Collection. Editorial Trotta, Madrid, 2015. What began as an article for La Critique sociale in which the Marxist doctrine of the unlimited growth of the productive forces was questioned will end up acquiring the dimensions of an essay that pretends to make the inventory of the current civilization. Its main purpose is to grasp the mechanism of oppression in the material conditions of social organization. For this analysis he invites to use what he considers Marx's true legacy, materialism as a method of knowledge and action. A consistent application of this method leads to discover the causes of oppression in the structure of the factory, in the specialization and division of functions, not in the property regime. Public Thinking Library. Diario Público, Barcelona 2010. When, in 1881, Wilde published The soul of man under socialism he managed to irritate both his aristocratic admirers and his young socialist friends alike. When man is happy he is in harmony with himself and with everything around him ». Virus Editorial, Barcelona 2007. Social movements and emancipation and the streams when they come down. It collaborates with the Hijos de Uruguay group and with alternative media from several countries. Critical Thinking Library. Perhaps the time has come to criticize that attitude that dominates our world: tolerant and multicultural liberalism. Perhaps the current depoliticization of the economy should be rejected. It may be necessary, nowadays, to provide a good dose of intolerance, if only for the purpose of arousing that political passion that fuels discord. Post in Cancel A% d bloggers like this:

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