Grade my essay sat
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Many escaped to Venezuela and the immense majority went into internal exile. Censorship of books began to take effect. Three hundred thousand peasants, workers, were killed and a great silence completely seized the political and cultural life of the country. Any peace agreement was always a lie. Since then my father was a sad man who sometimes brought me in his conversation memories that a liberal should not forget about the exercise of tolerance in the midst of religious and political manichaeism. They took them to other regions and threw them there. The strategy of the government and the police was that no one could recognize them there as they did, and they could be buried without names in mass graves. There he was in the reproduction of a watercolor of Deborah Arango: the train with the dead from which he had doubted his existence. A war between cowards as defined and a violence exercised in the peripheries as a strategy for a long duration. So what is it that seeks a narrative where there are no individuals who suffer but abstractions like the army, the paramilitaries or the guerrilla? Zygmunt Bauman pointed out the existence of individuals and what is more serious of intellectuals for whom freedom is not a premise without which it is impossible to live. We speak of the will to become emancipated, as Kant says, of ignorance and the capacity of the thinking being to remain in the self-criticism that takes us away from all fundamentalism. When I arrived in Spain in 1958, I could see the traces and the collateral effects of the bloody civil war: abandoned buildings, hunger and widespread misery, the overwhelming presence of a totalitarian thought. But at the same time a deep solidarity among the poor, among the republicans and the democratic left that was living its painful internal exile and creating forms of resistance. An anti-Stalinist Marxism capable of rescuing the tradition of a renewed humanism. As Imre Kertész points out, language ideologized by a totalitarian vision falls squarely within the prison of a closed society and speaks from the eyes of the executioner ignoring the sufferings of the victims. Therefore, the option of art can only be radical ". And suddenly when I realize his arrogance, I feel confident because I am sure that the child's hand will wisely know how to lead his mother to a hospitable roof.
Given the stormy political relations and, especially, international political relations, anyone understands that embassies are places with great flexibility in the exercise of their powers. With views in the interest of the country being represented, it is not convenient to delimit them strictly so that they can adjust to unforeseen situations. Admittedly, embassies, political bodies, have discretion in the interpretation of their functions. But surely among these is not to give holiday accommodation to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and less to put at your disposal public means to go shopping, drinks, dinner or whatever. It is worth remembering that the funds that finance these dedications do not come from the embassy. They come from the State; that is, of all. We are the taxpayers who finance these expenses and, in general, all the expenses produced by the infinite series of cases of direct or indirect corruption, or abuses of power, or misuse of public resources. The citizens must understand that, when a case of these occurs, it is as if the government personally put their hand in their pocket. With these authorities it is impossible to know if Dastiz will resign or not. I insist, while the citizenship does not understand that to demand a straight and transparent management of the public monies, and responsibilities when it is not done is not only a right but a duty, the corruptos will continue winning elections. And of that, of politics, the government understands little. Any strategist of half a hair would have advised the rulers not to forego the 155 beforehand, given the circumstances. Nothing is gained because the adversary has already warned that he will not recognize any Spanish repressive measure. Most likely, the resignation of the 155 is due to a new and Machiavellian plan devised by the think pan around the vice president of the government, luminary of the cave and that will work as well as the previous ones. The commission for the bombing was a unique occasion. Another, a work of art that perpetuates this massacre directly and, at the same time, condemns it. Without bombing, there would have been no Gernika. Art is born in war, against it. The painting is painted in black and white, white alternating with black, direct experience of the hesitation of the light during the bombings. Black and white, almost like grisaille, reveals the tragedy and classicism of the work. The harmony between El País and the government is admirable. To the point: the radicals take control, etc. It is not tuned; It is coincidence. The purpose: to overcome the independence movement by dividing it. That of dividing the adversary is very good to the right when it faces the left, which it manipulates. It is to see if also it obtains it with the indepes. It does not matter if the El País announcement is true or not. And, if done sincerely, it shows an alarming degree of analytical inability. And it is also independent, being the independence movement, according to repeated organic manifestations, the absolute tactical priority. In the rest, it is an autonomous organization and makes its decisions that, at times, will cause problems for the government of JxS. It is logical and is in its right. A truly complex situation with a certain moral burden on both sides. This obvious conclusion had been reached by seeing that, if you do not have a State, it is useless for you to think about the social revolution. If you have it maybe neither; but, if you do not have it, say goodbye. That the petition for the resignation of the conseller who denounced the assault on the bus on October 2 has been postponed. So, bad news for the hopes of the rights: of confrontation, nothing. Break the front indepe, less. The pact arrives until October 1st. It is incomprehensible that analysts do not see it. The JxS, either, although they have more institutional room for maneuver. In reality, the so-called process is not controlled by anyone in particular, but by the active support of a social majority. Those of 3% or concealment of 3% seem to ignore the remaining 97%. And, as such a movement of spontaneous masses and articulated in many forms of organization that intersect, nobody controls anything. There is widespread diffuse control that all participants have assumed. And everyone wants to say all: the movement is democratic and peaceful. Stop and magazine of the forces of the referendum. It seems that, at last, you are leaving. And the band of thieves you call party, cut in his image and likeness. You have not left a public euro without putting it in your pocket; they have stolen in practically all the public positions they have held. It is not that you lack the minimum sense of the Kantian moral law; is that you are a band of rogues. You have provoked a unique democratic involution, according to its neofranchist canons. They have repressed rights and freedoms, suppressed democracy in public spaces. And you have destroyed the country by its infinite greed, mixed with its incompetence and irreducible stupidity. The Catalans go and do well because nobody with an iota of dignity can bear to be governed by a bunch of scoundrels, corrupt and thieves. A disaster that will last many, many years and the main responsible is you, that of bonuses. Go and be surrounded by all the reproach, the ludibrio and the contempt of their fellow citizens. Go through the box first, return the hard work and introduce yourself to the judge. It's a brief interview about the "hot" issues of the moment, focused on the attitude of the intellectuals. 3.- Plural political gatherings throughout the State? It is his mediatic head, which reasons in gatherings. 5.- And the heart of the nation, whose existence is in dispute where the minority is the majority. The text of mine, below: Why has there been so little support between the intellectuals at 1-O? The dret to decide is inqüestionable, and the subscriuen in favor of the Sahara or Tibet. Són més espanyols i nacionalistes that els espanyols i els intel·lectuals estrangers. Can not admetre the dret to decide d'a part that consider Espanya perquè necessarily consider it Espanya. Però això means subscriure the position dels de sempre i aleshores els d'esquerres callen. S'escuden in els valors of legalitat per envelope of democracy. I understand that there are some people who work in this way, but I will cosmetically qualify the intellectuals. I understand that the comissaris and the government brandin the legalitat com to paleolític brandaven l'arma, but an intellectual no ho pot permetre, perquè qualsevol understand that the legalitat is an assumpte of conveniència. Existeix the discourse, fins and tot coat per capes acadèmiques, that titilla the nationalism of burgès and elitist. Però les societats, just like the individus, canvien i estem veient aqui és que aquest discurs de classe s'ha trencat. L'independentisme ara is interclassista i transversal. The distinction that vens a fer between policy practitioners and intellectual referents is not so clear. Molts dels polítics practicants presumeixen d'intel·lectuals. Fet aquest incís, the cause i l'effecte is donated to mateix temps. The action is dialectical and the cause i l'effecte van rodats. About l'opinió publico, tampoc is so clear. The spiral of silence does not define what is happening to Catalonia, but to Madrid. If hi has a social sector procliu to acovardir-are els intel·lectuals. Això connects with the tradition of the political culture of the franquisme i s'arrossega des d'aleshores. That or think that they have materialized in a miraculous way, like the manna of the chosen people or the rain, wonderful and inexplicable phenomenon, according to Rajoy. In any case, having eight thousand urns in itself is not illegal. It can be a collector or someone who has bought the remains of a bankrupt poll-manufacturing company. The funny thing is that, after all, hiding 8,000 urns should not be easy. Here is an interesting research work on the security of the State for preventive purposes, because it is assumed that the polls will serve to commit a crime, that of voting. Also of journalistic interest: to see who gives with the ballot boxes. Vehí already warns that he can not reveal his sources. Bolshevik aesthetics updated in a feminist key. Lenin replaced by a Catalan. The donut does not sweep the globe but only the Catalan countries. What I do not think is fair is that Artur Mas figure. It is not good to prey on the vanquished opponent. Not only are the polls evanescent, so are the bills. But it is not on the agenda already distributed. The opposition and the government are left without an opponent. Of course, they can not be trusted either because the project can be introduced at the last moment by that article that the TC was left working on. Saving the distances is applying a guerrilla war. The famous distinction of Gramsci between war of maneuvers and war of positions was left out guerrilla warfare, so essentially Hispanic. Urns appear suddenly and all the batteries of the position and maneuvers are focused on them. And again to wait And what about the census? Another kind of census of jurors, because who is not registered will not be able to participate in the voting and scrutiny works. It is quite clear what this man has in his head. The diatribes inside IU are heard again, the accusations and counter-accusations; the brawl They bring the memory of bitter disputes of the past and not so of the past. This climate of confrontations, recriminations, splits and expulsions is inherent to IU insofar as it prolongs an essentially communist project. This does not imply that Communism is an intrinsically factionalist ideology, but that, as history shows, it was born of a split and lives in perpetual internal confrontation and discord. Both in Spain and in the world. Also that the absorption of UI would have its dangers; the most obvious that the phagocytized organization, so to speak, ended up imposing itself. Something of that must have thought the million voters who denied the confidence in the elections of July 2016. Old effluvia of the communist tradition. There are not the times for anathemas and purges, but the virulent reaction of the IU leadership shows that the spirit behind the most open and reasoned forms is the same. I do not know if Llamazares does right or wrong. I do not believe there are reasons in one way or another about personal decisions of the sole responsibility of the person who takes them. What strikes me is that the Spanish left is entertained in these boring matters in which it is impossible to discern the personal from the ideological and even from the neurotic. In one part of the State, an issue of constitutional, revolutionary, even, and the left is absent. And when they decide to find out, they make the situation worse. with the usual response of the worst, the best and in which, in reality, it shows not understanding much of the Catalan process. In any case, the intention is clear: the indepes must postpone their just request for a referendum at the moment when an imprecise change in Spain allows them to do so. Because there is a huge difference between the respective ideas that Podemos and independents can make of their national horizon. When the Spanish left wants to understand what happened in Catalonia, it will have passed. Maybe that's the best way to understand something: in the distance. There is a generalized conviction that in the electoral competitions, the option that is presented together wins and loses the one presented fractionally. It is a conviction shared by the left to the bottom, which is why it is always clamoring for unity... at the same time that it fractures. For there are two options basically, the right and the left, which had materialized in the hegemony of the two great dynastic parties. That is why the bipartisanship was always an imperfect bipartisanship. And not only imperfect, but with a tendency to perpetuation. It is seen considering the result of the primaries as a process of party regeneration. This match has an unusual appearance, it seems a constellation of suns. Personalities that are usually called "referents" on the left but who do not play in any party or have followers in appreciable amounts. The inscription of the party is to have something to put on the table when negotiating positions in the electoral lists that, in the end, is what it is about. These referents on the left discover that they have little audience by themselves. They need the sounding board of the institutions. And institutions are only reached through the parties. By not integrating him by those typical pruritus of the left, he ended up founding a second springboard, which immediately earned him the wrath of IU where he is considered a traitorous feintido. The left has the mania to personalize it and dramatize everything and, therefore, ridicule it. And it is not worth remembering the other obstacle in which the Spanish left gets entangled and locked without finding the way out: Catalonia. The entire political system that the Spanish left has accepted more or less critically as legitimate will fall apart if Catalonia becomes independent. It is Rajoy's invariable motto in what interests him. The others are always foolish, meaningless common and plenty of occurrences. Good sense and common sense are your assets. Just look at the incredible saga of corruption under his government. Where everyone steals, the sensible thing is to steal. Sense and common sense asks the president in Catalonia. Nobody has suggested to him to mention the rescued seny with which it is fame the Catalan hearts melt. Maybe he does not know how to pronounce it. The two pillars on which the new Spanish Catalonia will rise, rescued from the radicals. The Rajoy is more bourgeois, more pantouflard. His argument is not only against the independence of Catalonia but against the realization of the referendum. Referendum and independence are different moments. There may be a referendum and the result may be "no" to independence. Of course, from a transcendental point of view, even if "no" comes out, independence will have won because the very celebration of the referendum is an act of sovereignty and under enemy fire. But it will have gone "no" and a new uncertainty will open in the context of an election. That is what Rajoy has told the King to reassure him: that the referendum will not be held. I do not know if before or after the Monarch lost his own cup in a sailing competition at the hands of a Catalan. A Roman pontiff would interpret it as a bad omen. There will be no referendum because that is what good sense and common sense command. But in exchange they can buy the Commons, who already have an appropriate middle degree. The recent statements of Ada Colau denying being or having never been an independentista have provoked fierce anger and much frustration among the indepes. But there is a point of naïveté or fanaticism in it. Colau has never declared himself an independentist clearly, as far as I know. Colau is counted among those of the "no". That is an express commitment of the Commons and the mayor. The common sense that Rajoy wants from the Commons is that they oppose any referendum. The national leadership wants Podem to be integrated into the Commons, especially in the referendum issue. Referendum yes, but agreed; not to the non-agreed. Dante Fachín maintains that they must support each other, thus earning a furious rapapolvo from their superior instances, similar to the "self-criticism" that the Soviet leadership made to the dissidents, before moving on to more expeditious methods. And in the meantime, the road map continues its march in an open situation in which all the hypotheses are plausible and nobody knows what might happen. In this situation of agosteña calm, as always, the independence movement takes the political initiative and the State can only expect reactive measures. Obviously, keep attacking the essential and allocate resources to strengthen your own position, the rearguard and logistical support. Apply the old Arabic proverb: "first bind your camel and then trust in Allah." Because, before the feared "train crash", there is a test of strength of great media and symbolic importance, on September 11. That is where the independence movement will turn because the Diada will be the eve of the Referendum, when the realization of the "donec perficiam" finally appears. This is what the independence leaders and those who support them live for, as a historic occasion in their lives. The discourse of "common sense and good sense" shows that the president does not understand anything about the situation he is in. Being the one in charge of finding a solution, it would be irresponsible if, in a situation of uncertainty, he did not foresee We would like to deny him for not showing signs of weakness, but even if there is none, the possibility that the government will abort the referendum can not be ruled out and there will be several proposals for it. be the one that announces the confidentiality of anticipated elections of plebiscite character with a single list of independs.It will depend on the way in which the government has aborted the referendum, if it succeeds. So plan A: referendum at all costs. Although many are made new, the doctrine is not now. The Generalitat has been warning for months that it will not abide by the suspension of autonomy. The disproportion of forces in favor of David against Goliath is resounding: a pro-independence movement with strong social roots across the government and absolute parliamentary majority, with a specific mandate and political will to fulfill it. The cost of preventing the referendum grows at times. Poor Goliath may end up becoming Samson: by preventing the referendum he will destroy the temple of the Philistines that will fall on his head. The confrontations are chronic in that left that likes to be seen as the left of the left. There is always some reason for fragmentation, usually ideological. And it is not a matter of entertaining oneself by ascertaining the depth of the discussions, usually hazy. Only to point out the unfortunate image that UP projects as a mosaic of disagreements, a kind of ship of the mad, something that the electorate punishes by withdrawing the vote. And it is not only typical of Podemos. Acts, the name of the party, is already registered in the corresponding registry of the Ministry of the Interior, although it clarifies that it is born without electoral will. A political party that does not stand for elections whose results depend on public funding will have to be supported by its own resources and it is not risky to predict short and dull life. The characters have become emphatic. At last it seems that Spanish rulers recognize reality and call it by its name. They want to be at the height of a constitutional crisis of poisoning, of a state problem. This passionate drama of the national essence, however, is staged in front of a rather apathetic and indifferent public, whose main concerns are unemployment and corruption. Undoubtedly, the independence of Catalonia moves passions in the networks, but in the concerns of people is granted a supermodest 2.6. And those points must be all of Catalonia, where independence has very mobilized the population. Yes to the rulers and the political class in general; Not the population. This has several readings and does not necessarily coincide. Just that raises a serious split in the bosom of the left. It will not change it by an extraparliamentary conspiracy that excludes these "other political forces". That is the proposal, in the usual tone of command and command that does not seem acceptable to the left. It would be convenient that it was up to the circumstances, with a vision according to our times; no to Franco's. It does not want to reform the Constitution and, in case of admitting it, it will be after specifying the issues and aspects that they want to reform. It is protected for this in a Constitution used as a party weapon at the service of one third of the Spanish population and one tenth of the Catalan population. In Spain there are still no statesmen. It is good to leave for the return of the holidays what it has to be. That is, that the first day of the rentrée will be with the new outbreak of the hubbub, I say, of the Diada. As if none of this were with them, the two leaders of the left say goodbye between hugs predicting the worst for Rajoy in a "brief" legislature that has been going on for more than a year. At the end of the summer, some of the threats that the left might wave might materialize; petition for resignation, reprobation, motion of censure. A point of distrust appears when it is remembered that Rajoy is adept at governing under threats and difficulties. If he has been able to surpass himself, he will be capable of anything. In Podemos they are animated because they believe that the numbers for a motion of censure give. Even with Sanchez's candidacy, you do not have to be personal. The issue, however, is that the numbers do not give without the votes of the Catalan independents. It is curious that the formation of government in Spain depend on the votes of those who want to leave it. It is part of the hallucinating shed that bustles without stopping with the Catalan independence issue. Just the one that does not want to be recognized in all its scope. And what's wrong with a referendum? In that failure the left could well be presented with a novel proposal in the Catalan dispute. However, I would suggest to both a consultation to their respective bases on a referendum agreed in Catalonia. Maybe they got a surprise. The reflections of Hannah Arendt on the two spheres of society, public and private, help a lot to understand this new feminism that is announced. His initial motto was precisely Private is public. The separation between the two spheres contributes to maintaining a situation of patriarchal, androcentric domination. To make invisible the cause and effect of the subalternity of women submerging it in the magma of the home, of the family, of the private sphere, hidden from the public. The public sphere, where men's political activity occurs, shines because they are not affected by the shadows of the private, of what comes. The perpetuation of roles in the public sphere is born in the private sphere in all its infinite varieties and ambiguities. That is why there is so much resistance to the debate on the private sphere and the convenience of opening it up to the public sphere is denied. That is why the breaking of the third wave is fundamental: the private is public and the public, private. base of the liberal social order of "private vices and public virtues". Many times the sexist bias is criticized in the media treatment of women in public office and the tendency to frivolize it, speaking of personality attire or family life. Most likely this tendency to gossip is irrepressible. What irritates here is that the men are free from it. Discuss your personal affairs or your attire, as it is done with women. Here is the decisive element. The fusion of the public and the private should not only be a vindication of women but also of men. If in that dark private sphere, which starts at the moment of birth, the disgrace of them is carved, it is because their dominion is imposed. This fusion of the new feminism can be the one that allows us to glimpse solutions to controversial issues of many edges such as prostitution or trafficking. Undoubtedly, legal norms are being developed for behaviors previously protected in the sacred territory of privacy. But they will never be enough as long as men do not embrace the idea that the private is public. That is, private vices cease to be public virtues. Which is complicated because it means renouncing a power that they have inherited, the product of centuries, of millennia of injustice. The demographic auguries smile at the winner of the primary that continues to devastate. And, although it is in second position, it gives him long to exercise the hegemony of the left. With such happy perspectives it would be convenient in the interest of the party that the Andalusian fronda remitted. Because that's where the heart of the matter lies, as we all know. In the real plurinationality of Spain. A reaction of the so-called socialist "family" and its voters that will consolidate over time until Sanchez appears as the only alternative to a Rajoy literally sunk in corruption. In that radiant horizon there is only a cloud, a cloud. The one that brings the storm of the independence movement with the rays of the ballot boxes and the thunder of Donec perficiam! In this moment of the drama, any proposal that excludes the referendum will not be taken into consideration because it has reached that absurd but inevitable situation that the costs of the agreement are higher than those of the defeat. In that situation, would not it be the wisest thing to agree on a referendum with the possibility of influencing the formulation of the question? The most sensible from the point of view of State, not of the independence movement, of course. Obviously, a pronouncement of this kind should be endorsed by militancy. But beforehand it would be convenient for the leadership to reach a pact with the independence movement in these terms, which would be presented to the militants' debate. It is risky, of course, and such an attitude would have an answer in the next barometer. But it remains to find out in what sense, if up or down. Because the current one has made it very clear that he does not intend to move a finger for the understanding and that he entrusts everything to the application of the law. The solution to the problem will not come from the imposition of a unilateral proposal, but from the free bilateral agreement of both parties. But, it is to insist, there is no time. Until I remembered the King who, it seems, is going about his business. The Constitution entrusts to the Monarch a function of arbitration and moderation of the institutions and, pardiez, as things are, it does not seem unreasonable to ask that it be exercised. In fact, I am surprised not to read stern articles about the institution of the Crown and the figure of the King at a time of acute constitutional crisis. Things should not be clear when lawyers, scribes and other palmeras do not act seriously. Those who firmly claim to respect and love the Catalans, consider them nation and voluntary members at the same time as the Spanish super-nation, will be willing to do them justice. Felipe VI carries an original problem of legitimacy. The King will immediately be reminded that among his non-existent attributions is also not to nullify the Spanish Constitution in a floral offering. And see that it is not a bad idea because it is a Constitution that has never been such, but an instrument first of two parties and then only one. The idea is great and only protects me from criticism by giving ideas to the adversary the fact that this is so closed of the head that something like this is not passed by his collective and empty head. To those of us who write about political issues and we refer to the importance of Francoism in present-day Spain, we are reminded from the conservative bloc that "Franco died 42 years ago" and that we are "carracas", that we are "gagás", with "battles" Grandpa's". When not vultures trying to reopen old wounds. By the way, this unfortunate craziness does not only affect the grandchildren of those killed in the ditches, all from the left, but also very lively and very right-wing sectors. Many things come from grandparents. Ask, if not, for Aznar's grandfather. And where the previous Minister of the Interior, who was called "Minister of the Previous," would pray and inspire. The resurrections are tertian. He did not really come back because he did not die. He continued to be present among the living and the dead as evidenced among other things by that book. That is, a government that remains partial in the fracture of the civil war in favor of the fascists. So Franco will be alive while his dead are still in the gutter. The rest, excrescences of a cowardly solution to the problem that affected everyone to face the consequences of a 40-year criminal dictatorship. to the undefeated leader, Franco, the one who is still present. That is why his heir family intends to reserve the Pazo practically in a regime of imprisonment. That purpose will not seem strange in a government and a party in which the arm is often raised, Francoist symbols are shown or the gutters are spoken in inadmissible terms. A government and a party founded by a minister of the dictator and who has not yet expressly condemned his dictatorship. A Face to the Sun that some preclear publicist seems a song of joy and hope. Come on, not only present, but future. The government is Francoist; shameful, but Francoist. Those trains can only crash. In any case, that decision is very wise. Sánchez consolidates his leadership with the only vandalized recess of Andalusia and the submission of the barons. And it does it by addressing the most serious problem that the Spanish State has instead of doing it, as is customary in the place, speaking of any other futesa. Spanish politics has a horizon: Catalonia and leadership is exercised by talking about it instead of sinking into silence and hiding behind the robes of magistrates. It is convenient to know what is being talked about and not to hear it. It remains to be seen to what extent commitment, how far Sanchez's empathy can go. I would dare to make a proposal. Well, he chose the month of September to visit the principality, press opinions and win supporters, why do not you attend the Diada on the 11th of that month? Feasible, of course, is and Sanchez will be safer between two or three million Catalans than a journalist among a hundred Falangists enraged by red-separatism. From the political point of view it would be a target that would make Sanchez a leader of a truly new time. Things of this type would augur a Spanish leadership and not Castilian. But, for the opposition to the referendum, I'm afraid, it's late. Undoubtedly, the referendum has been the cause of this acceptance of a negotiation leading to a reform of the Constitution. It seems quite logical that, having been the cause, it is also the effect. Amarante: Salamanca, 2017, 786 pages. Another thing is what people think, at least the one that responds to surveys on the valuation of activities and professions. To say that politics is the continuation of war by other means sounds like a civil sacrilege, very much within the Foucauldian spirit. Obviously those that most directly define wars will be excluded: the bloody media. However, even that can not be sustained. Sometimes politics is done with bloody means. In Venezuela, for example, and it is not the only case, much less. However, in the main, the means of politics will be bloodless. Projectiles are words and images, the two constituent elements of communication. Because politics is communication. It presents great variety in the texts. These texts conform to patterns of classification of subjects by color that facilitates the consultation of the manual. It is an academic work for teaching, it aspires to cover a vast field and to a large extent it is achieved thanks to a scrupulous organization of the different facets of this profession. Obviously, the scope of the manual precludes a criticism of the use of the text in its entirety. The work begins with the usual methodological statement to make it clear that political consulting is a "factual science". These nominal issues do not have much interest. The fundamental thing is that he wants to be an empirical science, like all sciences, of course. Its nature of science is not given by the object, but by the method. Hence, according to the manual, the political consultancy moves with the values. Each political consultant faces this dilemma and only he, from his individuality will make a decision. Whether or not it is scientific will depend on the annoying issue of values. It is also a ucronic activity, given that the same means contrast today's affirmations in real time with those of twenty years ago. It will be said, but it was not about civil, democratic leaderships. The fourth and fifth parts deal with electoral campaigns, planning and execution. How will the electoral campaigns be devoted a whole chapter to analyze the negative campaigns. That is to say, the attack to the enemy or adversary and the means for it, something in which sometimes the penal code is skirted, if it is not incurred. It may be an occurrence of spin doctors, but, in any case, it brings to mind the idea of war. In fact, among the books that he rightly recommends is the ancient art of war, the venerable Tzun-zu more than two thousand five hundred years ago. But the political debate today is in the networks and in the interaction between these and the institutional areas. At a time when the deputies tweet their impressions on a parliamentary debate and receive the corresponding feed-back it is absurd to pigeonhole it in the parliamentary channels. It is not innocent that one of the activities most requested by politicians is the management of their reputation in networks, a territory that forces consultants to be true hackers. The use that will be made of it later will enter into the decision on whether the adopted method points to an emancipatory or strategic communication. And that is a decision of each one. A study on the being of Spain and the Catalan question. Politics, media, internet and social networks. A personal vision of the left and the country. Political communication in cyberspace. The Internet has generated a new, denser and more influential public opinion, which is articulated through original channels. Civil disobedience; Civil disobedience. Repression.- Catalan Republic. Socialism.- Socialist Socialists.
There are innumerable tests of assessment of conditional physical abilities, but we only address a few for each capacity without taking away the importance of the other proposals, the product of many investigations. I recommend you consider this information so that you have a point of reference and have the concern regarding your health or your physical condition in general. Generally, Olympic lifting bars and discs are used. This table indicates the assessment of submaximal force in upper gear. Also called "crunch" exercise. This would be 75% of your performance. This is because the maximum speed can only be maintained for a short space of time, approximately ten seconds, and beyond this time the speed of growth increases. Burpee test: consists of performing the largest number of repetitions in 1 minute, a series of exercises. Ruffier test: consists of performing from the standing position 30 deep flexions in 45sg.4. Concovi test: Consists of making an effort of progressive intensity in the race. For speed exercises, wear light shoes and very comfortable clothes that allow free movement of the legs.2. Do not take the speed exercises to the limit, rather than benefit it could cause injuries and increase risks of heart or respiratory problems.3. Before starting any speed exercise, first warm up with 3 km of routine running. During the speed exercises never get to sprint. I chilled your body with a 10 minute jog and good stretching exercises for another 5 minutes. This behavior is evaluated by a statistical comparison with that of other individuals placed in the same situation so that it is possible to classify the subject examined from the quantitative or typological point of view. Validity, that values what is really intended to be measured. Reliability, precision of the measure it provides. Objectivity, independence of the results obtained. Normalization, that there is an intelligible transformation of the results. Standardization, that the test, how to perform it and the conditions of execution are standardized. Detection and selection of talents. Control and individualization of training. In the maintenance of the physical condition: 4. Optimal management of the motor capital. Diagnosis of deficiencies. Prescription of adapted programs. Monitoring of the evolution of physical condition. Development: Consists of traveling the distance of 20 meters without interruption, at the rate marked by a recording with the corresponding protocol record. The tape recorder will start up and when the performer listens to the start signal, he will have to move to the opposite line and step on it expecting to hear the next signal. Try to follow the rhythm of the tape recorder that will progressively increase the pace of the race. This cycle will be repeated constantly until you can not step on the line at the time you signal the tape recorder Each rhythmic period is called "palier" or "period" and has a duration of 1 minute. The performer will not be able to step on the next line until he has heard the signal. This signal will accelerate as the periods increase. When the performer can not keep up with the rhythm of the tape recorder, he or she will leave the test by noting the last period or half of the period listened to. Other denominations: Test of 12 minutes. Objective: To evaluate the aerobic resistance. Development: It consists of covering the maximum possible distance during twelve minutes of continuous race. The distance traveled at the end of the twelve minutes will be noted. The result can be evaluated in the table with the corresponding valuation. Theoretically, a constant load that causes exhaustion 12 minutes after starting, correlates significantly with the maximum VO2 value. Rules: When the twelve minutes end, the student will stop until the distance traveled is counted. Material and facilities: Chronometer. Athletics track or, in its absence, a flat terrain signposted every 50 meters. Other denominations: Test of the mile. The determination of the maximum VO2 is made from the following equation: 3. The distance traveled at the end of the five minutes will be noted. Among the different tests that are available, we find the following: 1. The only difference is that it is taken from the standing position instead of the sitting position. Leighton Flexometer: Created in 1960, measures flexibility in terms of degrees. It consists of a metallic cylinder inside which there are two moving parts: a disk graduated from 0 to 360 degrees and a needle. When the cylinder is displaced from the vertical, thanks to an internal mechanism of the device itself, both the disk and the needle move. Electrogoniometer: Basically it consists of a goniometer connected to an electric battery that allows a direct recording of the data on a graduated paper. The angular variations are visualized in an oscilloscope while simultaneously they are reflected in a graph. Goniometer: Provides, together with the electro goniometer, the most solid and reliable data referring to the range of movement achieved. Measure the flexibility in degrees. It consists of two rules or straight segments linked to a conveyor or circular scale graduated in degrees. The readings are taken in flexions and maximum joint extensions. It has been demonstrated by the present work that speed is very important in the life of the human being.2. In order not to suffer injuries through a speed race it is necessary to perform warm-up and stretching exercises.3. The speed of an athlete will always depend on good coordination and balance that demonstrates as well as power in the legs.4. The speed is not one-dimensional but rather multidimensional, since it has several types of speeds. Scientific methodology do treinamento. Principles of sports training. General and special theory of sports training. Universitat Leipzig-Germany, 1993. Theory and practice of training applied to soccer. Contemporary system of sports training. Great encyclopedia of sports. Battery "eurofit" - Catalan population. Generalitat de Catalunya-Spain. Sports physical preparation.
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